Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England


   
                          

                             



                               
                           
                                   :
     REGIONAL VARIATION OF PRONUNCIATION IN THE SOUTH-WEST OF ENGLAND



                                  2001



                                    Plan:

      Introduction.3

      Part I. The Specific Features of dialects
       1. What is the dialect?4
       2. Geographic dialects5
       3. Dialectal change and diffusion...5
       4. Unifying influences on dialects..8
       5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas..9
       6. Received Pronunciation.9
       7. Who first called it PR?.10
       8. Social Variation11
       9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern..12
      Part II. Background to the Cornish Language
       1. Who are the Cornish?...15
       2. What is a Celtic Language?.15
       3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?...15
       4. The Decline of Cornish15
       5. The Rebirth of Cornish16
       6. Standard Cornish..16
       7. Who uses Cornish Today?...16
       8. Government Recognition for Cornish..16

      Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects


          Vocalisation.18

       1. Consonantism...23
       2. Grammar..27
          3.1 Nouns.27
             3.2 Gender27
          3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.27
                     3.3 Numerals29
                     3.4 Adjectives...29
       .5 Pronouns.30
           3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns
                                  in a Devonshire
dialect31
           3.6 Verbs...39
           3.7 Adverbs...42
           3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects
                 of South-West England...44
                         4.  Vocabulary..52

      Conclusions...68


      Bibliography..69

              Supplements..71



                                Introduction.

      The modern English language is an international language nowadays.  It
is also the first spoken  language  of  such  countries  as  Australia,  New
Zealand, Canada, South Africa.
      But in the very United Kingdom there are some varieties of it,  called
dialects, and accents.
      The  purpose  of  the  present  research  paper  is   to   study   the
characteristic features of the present  day  dialect  of  the  South-Western
region in particular.
      To achieve this purpose  it  is  necessary  to  find  answers  to  the
following questions:
      - What is the dialect?
      - Why and where is it spoken?
      - How does it differ from the standard language?
      Methods of this research paper included the analysis of works  of  the
famous linguists and phoneticians  as  Peter  Trudgill  and  J.K.  Chambers,
Paddock and Harris, J.A. Leuvensteijn and  J.B.  Berns,  M.M.  Makovsky  and
D.A. Shakhbagova, and also the needed information from  Britannica  and  the
encyclopedia by David Crystal and the speech of  the  native  population  of
Devonshire and Wiltshire.
      Structurally  the  paper  consists  of  three  parts  focused  on  the
information about the dialect in general and the ways it differs from  the
standard language (its phonetic, grammar and other linguistic  differences),
and the specific features of the South-West of England.
      The status of the English language in the XXth century  has  undergone
certain changes. Modern  English  has  become  a  domineering  international
language of nowadays.



                 PART I.  The Specific Features of dialects.
                          1. What is the dialect?
      Dialect is a variety of a language. This  very  word  comes  from  the
Ancient Greek dialectos discourse, language,  dialect,  which  is  derived
from dialegesthai to discourse, talk. A dialect may be distinguished  from
other dialects of  the  same  language  by  features  of  any  part  of  the
linguistic structure - the phonology, morphology, or syntax.
      The label dialect, or dialectal, is attached to  substandard  speech,
language usage that deviates from the accepted norm. On the other  hand  the
standard language can be  regarded  as  one  of  the  dialects  of  a  given
language. In a special historical sense,  the  term  dialect  applies  to  a
language considered as one of a group deriving from a common ancestor,  e.g.
English dialects. (9, p.389)
      It is often considered difficult  to  decide  whether  two  linguistic
varieties are dialects of the same language  or  two  separate  but  closely
related  languages;  this  is  especially  true  of  dialects  of  primitive
societies.
      Normally, dialects of the same language are considered to be  mutually
intelligible while different  languages  are  not.  Intelligibility  between
dialects is, however, almost never absolutely complete; on the  other  hand,
speakers of closely related languages can still  communicate  to  a  certain
extent when each  uses  his  own  mother  tongue.  Thus,  the  criterion  of
intelligibility  is  quite  relative.  In  more  developed  societies,   the
distinction between  dialects  and  related  languages  is  easier  to  make
because of the existence of standard languages and, in some cases,  national
consciousness.
      There is the term vernacular among  the  synonyms  for  dialect;  it
refers to the common, everyday speech of the ordinary people  of  a  region.
The  word  accent  has  numerous  meanings;  in  addition  to  denoting  the
pronunciation of a person or a group  of  people  (a  foreign  accent,  a
British accent, a Southern accent).  In  contrast  to  accent,  the  term
dialect is used to refer not only to the sounds of language but also to  its
grammar and vocabulary.



                           2. Geographic dialects.
      The most widespread type of dialectal differentiation  is  geographic.
As a rule, the speech of one locality differs from that of any other  place.
Differences between neighbouring local dialects are usually small,  but,  in
travelling farther in the same direction, differences accumulate.
      Every dialectal feature has its own boundary line, called an isogloss
(or sometimes  heterogloss).  Isoglosses  of  various  linguistic  phenomena
rarely  coincide  completely,  and  by  crossing   and   interweaving   they
constitute intricate patterns on dialect maps. Frequently, however,  several
isoglosses are grouped approximately together into a bundle  of  isoglosses.
This grouping is caused either  by  geographic  obstacles  that  arrest  the
diffusion of a number of innovations along the same line  or  by  historical
circumstances, such as political borders of long standing, or by  migrations
that  have  brought  into  contact  two  populations  whose  dialects   were
developed in noncontiguous areas. (9, p.396)
      Geographic dialects include local  ones  or  regional  ones.  Regional
dialects do have some internal  variation,  but  the  differences  within  a
regional  dialect  are  supposedly  smaller  than  differences  between  two
regional dialects of the same rank.
      In a number of areas (linguistic landscapes)  where  the  dialectal
differentiation is essentially even, it is  hardly  justified  to  speak  of
regional dialects. This uniformity  has  led  many  linguists  to  deny  the
meaningfulness  of such  a  notion  altogether;  very  frequently,  however,
bundles of isoglosses - or even a single  isogloss  of  major  importance  -
permit the division, of a territory into regional dialects.  The  public  is
often aware of such  divisions,  usually  associating  them  with  names  of
geographic regions or provinces, or  with  some  feature  of  pronunciation.
Especially clear-cut  cases  of  division  are  those  in  which  geographic
isolation has played the principal role. (9, p.397)

                     3. Dialectal change and diffusion.
      The basic cause of dialectal  differentiation  is  linguistic  change.
Every living language constantly changes in its  various  elements.  Because
languages  are  extremely  complex  systems   of   signs,   it   is   almost
inconceivable that linguistic evolution could affect the same  elements  and
even transform them in the same way in all regions  where  one  language  is
spoken  and  for  all  speakers  in  the  same  region.  At  first   glance,
differences caused  by  linguistic  change  seem  to  be  slight,  but  they
inevitably accumulate with time (e.g. compare Chaucers English with  modern
English). Related languages usually begin as dialects of the same language.
      When a change (an innovation) appears among only one section  of  the
speakers of a language, this automatically creates a  dialectal  difference.
Sometimes an innovation in dialect A  contrasts  with  the  unchanged  usage
(archaism) in dialect B. Sometimes a separate innovation occurs in  each  of
the two dialects. Of course, different innovations will appear in  different
dialects, so that, in comparison with its contemporaries, no one dialect  as
a whole can be considered archaic in any absolute sense. A  dialect  may  be
characterized as relatively archaic,  because  it  shows  fewer  innovations
than the others; or it may be archaic in one feature only. (9, p.415)
      After the appearance  of  a  dialectal  feature,  interaction  between
speakers who have adopted this feature and those who have not leads  to  the
expansion of its area or even to  its  disappearance.  In  a  single  social
milieu (generally the inhabitants  of  the  same  locality,  generation  and
social class), the chance of the complete adoption or  rejection  of  a  new
dialectal feature is very great; the intense contact  and  consciousness  of
membership within the social group fosters  such  uniformity.  When  several
age groups or social strata live within the  same  locality  and  especially
when  people  speaking  the  same  language  live  in  separate  communities
dialectal differences are easily maintained.
      The element of mutual contact plays a large role in  the  maintenance
of speech patterns; that is why differences between  geographically  distant
dialects are normally greater than those between  dialects  of  neighbouring
settlements. This also explains why bundles  of  isoglosses  so  often  form
along  major  natural  barriers  -  impassable  mountain  ranges,   deserts,
uninhabited marshes  or  forests,  or  wide  rivers  -  or  along  political
borders.  Similarly,  racial  or   religious   differences   contribute   to
linguistic differentiation because contact between members of one  faith  or
race and those of  another within the same area  is  very  often  much  more
superficial and less frequent than  contact  between  members  of  the  same
racial  or  religious  group.  An  especially  powerful  influence  is   the
relatively  infrequent  occurrence   of   intemarriages,   thus   preventing
dialectal mixture at the point where it is most effective;  namely,  in  the
mother tongue learned by the child at home. (9, p.417)
      The fact that speech, in particular, can give such a clear  answer  to
the question Where are you from? exercises  a  peculiar  fascination,  and
the terms dialect and accent are a normal part of  everyday  vocabulary.  We
can notice regional differences in the way people  talk,  laugh  at  dialect
jokes, enjoy dialect literature and folklore and  appreciate  the  point  of
dialect parodies.
      At the same time - and this is the paradox of dialect study -  we  can
easily make critical judgements about ways of speaking which we perceive  as
alien. These attitudes are usually subconscious.
      The study of regional linguistic variation is very important. The more
we know about regional variation and change in the use of English, the  more
we will come to appreciate the individuality of each of the varieties  which
we call dialects, and the less we are likely to adopt demeaning  stereotypes
about people from other parts of the country.
      As for the United Kingdom until 1700 the small population was sparsely
distributed and largely rural and agricultural,  much  as  it  had  been  in
medieval times. From the  mid-18th  century,  scientific  and  technological
innovations created the first modern industrial state, while,  at  the  same
time,  agriculture  was  undergoing  technical  and  tenurial  changes   and
revolutionary  improvements  in  transport  made  easier  the  movement   of
materials and people. As a result, by the first decade of the 19th  century,
a previously mainly rural population had been largely replaced by  a  nation
made up of industrial workers and town dwellers.
      The rural exodus was a long process. The breakdown of communal farming
started before  the  14th  century;  and  subsequently  enclosures  advanced
steadily, especially after 1740, until  a  century  later  open  fields  had
virtually disappeared from the landscape. Many of the landless  agricultural
labourers so displaced  were  attracted  to  the  better  opportunities  for
employment and the higher wage levels existing in  the  growing  industries;
their movements, together with those of the surplus population  produced  by
the contemporary rapid rise in the birth rate, resulted in a high volume  of
internal migration that took the form of a movement toward the towns.
      Industry, as well as the urban centres that inevitably grew up  around
it,  was  increasingly  located  near  the  coalfields,  while  the  railway
network, which grew rapidly after 1830, enhanced the  commercial  importance
of many towns. The migration of people especially  young  people,  from  the
country to industrialized towns took place at an unprecedented rate  in  the
early  railway  age,   and   such   movements   were   relatively   confined
geographically.
      Soon after World War I, new interregional  migrations  flow  commenced
when the formerly booming 19th-century industrial and mining districts  lost
much of their economic momentum. Declining or stagnating heavy  industry  in
Clydeside, northeastern England, South Wales, and parts  of  Lancashire  and
Yorkshire swelled the ranks of the unemployed, and  the  consequent  outward
migration became the drift to the relatively more  prosperous  Midlands  and
southern England. This movement of people continued until  it  was  arrested
by the relatively full employment conditions that obtained  soon  after  the
outbreak of World War II.
      In the 1950-s, opportunities for  employment  in  the  United  Kingdom
improved with government sponsored diversification  of  industry,  and  this
did much to reduce the magnitude of the  prewar  drift  to  the  south.  The
decline of certain northern  industries  -  coal  mining  shipbuilding,  and
cotton textiles in particular - had nevertheless reached  a  critical  level
by the late 1960s, and the emergence  of  new  growth  points  in  the  West
Midlands and southwestern England made the drift to the south  a  continuing
feature of British economic life.  Subsequently,  the  area  of  most  rapid
growth shifted to East Anglia, the South West, and the East  Midlands.  This
particular spatial emphasis resulted from the deliberately planned  movement
of people to the New  Towns  in  order  to  relieve  the  congestion  around
London.

                     4. Unifying influences on dialects.
      Communication lines such as  roads  (if  they  are  at  least  several
centuries  old),  river  valleys,  or  seacoasts  often  have   a   unifying
influence. Also important urban centres often form the  hub  of  a  circular
region in which the same dialect is  spoken.  In  such  areas  the  prestige
dialect of the city  has  obviously  expanded.  As  a  general  rule,  those
dialects, or at  least  certain  dialectal  features,  with  greater  social
prestige tend to replace those that are valued lower on the social scale.
      In times of  less  frequent  contact  between  populations,  dialectal
differences increase, in periods, of greater contact,  they  diminish.  Mass
literacy,   schools,   increased   mobility   of   populations,   and   mass
communications all contribute to this tendency.
      Mass migrations may also contribute to the formation of a more or less
uniform dialect over broad geographic areas. Either  the  resulting  dialect
is that of the original homeland of a particular migrating population or  it
is a dialect mixture formed by the levelling of differences  among  migrants
from more  than  one  homeland.  The  degree  of  dialectal  differentiation
depends to a great extent on the length of time  a  certain  population  has
remained in a certain place.

                  5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas.
      Dialectologists often distinguish between focal areas - which  provide
sources of numerous important innovations and usually coincide with  centres
of lively economic or cultural activity - and relic areas  -  places  toward
which such innovations are spreading but have not  usually  arrived.  (Relic
areas also have their own innovations, which, however, usually  extend  over
a smaller geographical area.)
      Relic areas or relic phenomena are particularly common in out-of-the-
way regional pockets or along  the  periphery  of  a  particular  languages
geographical territory.
      The borders of regional dialects often contain transitional areas that
share some features with  one  neighbour  and  some  with  the  other.  Such
mixtures result from unequal  diffusion  of  innovations  from  both  sides.
Similar unequal diffusion in mixed dialects in any  region  also  may  be  a
consequence of population mixture created by migrations. (9, p.420)

                         6. Received Pronunciation.
      The abbreviation RP (Received Pronunciation) denotes  the  speech  of
educated people living in London and the southeast of England and  of  other
people elsewhere who speak in this  way.  If  the  qualifier  educated  be
assumed, RP is then a regional (geographical) dialect,  as  contrasted  with
London Cockney, which is a class (social) dialect. RP is  not  intrinsically
superior to other varieties of English; it is  itself  only  one  particular
regional dialect that has, through the accidents of history,  achieved  more
extensive use than others. Although acquiring its unique status without  the
aid of any established authority, it may have been fostered  by  the  public
schools (Winchester, Eton, Harrow and so on) and  the  ancient  universities
(Oxford and Cambridge). Other varieties of English  are  well  preserved  in
spite of the levelling influences of  film,  television,  and  radio.  (8,
p.365)
      The ancestral form of RP was well-established over 400  years  ago  as
the accent of the court and the upper classes. The English  courtier  George
Puttenham writing in 1589 thought that the English of nothern  men,  whether
they be noblemen or gentlemen is not  so  courtly  or  so  current  as  our
Southern English is.



                         The present-day situation.
      Today, with the breakdown of rigid divisions  between  social  classes
and the development of the mass media, RP is no longer  the  preserve  of  a
social elite. It is most widely  heard  on  the  BBC;  but  there  are  also
conservative and trend-setting forms.
      Early BBC recordings show how much RP has  altered  over  just  a  few
decades, and they make the point that no accent is  immune  to  change,  not
even the best. But the most important fact is that  RP  is  no  longer  as
widely used today as  it  was  50  years  ago.  Most  educated  people  have
developed  an  accent  which  is  a  mixture  of  RP  and  various  regional
characteristics - modified RP, some call it. In some cases,  a  former  RP
speaker has been influenced by regional  norms;  in  other  cases  a  former
regional speaker has moved in the direction of RP.

                         7. Who first called it RP?
      The British phonetician Daniel Jones  was  the  first  to  codify  the
properties of RP. It was not a label he much liked, as he  explains  in  An
Outline of English Phonetics (1980):
      I do not consider it possible at  the  present  time  to  regard  any
special type as standard or as intrinsically better  than  other  types.
Nevertheless, the type described in this book is certainly a useful one.  It
is based on my own (Southern) speech, and is, as far  as  I  can  ascertain,
that generally used  by  those  who  have  been  educated  at  preparatory
boarding  schools   and   the   Public   Schools   The   term   Received
Pronunciation is often used to designate this type of pronunciation.  This
term is adopted here for want of a better. (1960, 9th edn, p.12)
      The historical linguist H.C. Wyld also  made  much  use  of  the  term
received in A Short History of English (1914):
      It is proposed to use the term  Received  Standard  for  that  form
which all would probably agree in considering the best that form  which  has
the widest currency  and  is  heard  with  practically  no  variation  among
speakers of the better class all over the country. (1927, 3rd edn, p.149)
      The previous usage to which Jones refers can be  traced  back  to  the
dialectologist A.J. Ellis, in On Early English Pronunciation (1869):
      In  the  present  day  we  may,   however,   recognize   a   received
pronunciation all over the country It may be especially considered  as  the
educated pronunciation of the metropolis of the court, the pulpit,  and  the
bar. (p.23)
      Even then, there were signs of the future, for he goes on to say:
      But in as much as all these localities and professions are  recruited
from the provinces, there will be a varied thread  of  provincial  utterance
running through the whole. (8, p.365)

                            8. Social variation.
      As for the accents, they refer  to  the  varieties  in  pronunciation,
which  convey  information  about  a  persons  geographical  origin.  These
varieties are partly explained  by  social  mobility  and  new  patterns  of
settlement. Distinct groups or social formation within the whole may be  set
off from each other in a variety of ways: by gender, by age,  by  class,  by
ethnic identity. Particular groups will tend to have characteristic ways  of
using the language-characteristic ways of pronouncing it, -  for  example  -
and these will help to mark off the boundaries of one  group  from  another.
They belong to different social groups and perform different  social  roles.
A person might be identified  as  a  woman,  a  parent,  a  child,  a
doctor, or in many other ways. Many people  speak  with  an  accent,  which
shows the influence of their place of work.  Any  of  these  identities  can
have consequences for the kind of language they use. Age,  sex,  and  socio-
economic class have been repeatedly shown to be of importance when it  comes
to explaining the way sounds, constructions, and vocabulary vary.
      I think the best example to show it is the famous play Pygmalion  by
Bernard Shaw touched upon  social  classes,  speech  and  social  status  of
people using different types of accents and dialects. One of the  ideas  was
that it is possible to tell from a persons speech not only where  he  comes
from but what class he belongs  to.  But  no  matter  what  class  a  person
belongs to, he  can  easily  change  his  pronunciation  depending  on  what
environment he finds himself in. The heroine Liza aired his  views,  saying:
When a child is brought to a foreign country, it picks up the  language  in
a few weeks, and forgets its own. Well, I am a  child  in  your  country.  I
have forgotten my own language, and can  speak  nothing  but  yours.  (13,
p.64).
      So some conclusions about the kinds of social phenomena that influence
change through contact with other dialects can be made:
a) dialects differ from region through the isolation of groups of speakers;
b) dialects change through contact with other dialects;
c) the upper classes reinforce Standard English and RP through education.

               9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern.
      After the retirement of  the  Romans  from  the  island  the  invading
immigrants were the Jutes, Saxons, Danes and Angles. The Jutes seized  Kent,
The Isle of Wight and a part of the  mainland;  the  Saxons  had  all  those
parts that have now the suffix  sex,  as  Essex,  Sussex,  Middlesex,  and
Wessex; and the Angles took possession of that tract of the north  that  has
the present terminations land, shire and folk, as Suffolk,  Yorkshire,
Northumberland. These last afterwards gave the name to the whole island.
      Dialects are not to be considered corruption of  a  language,  but  as
varieties less favoured than the principal tongue of  the  country.  Of  the
various dialects, it must be borne  in  mind  that  the  northern  countries
retain many words now obsolete in current English: these words  are  of  the
genuine Teutonic stock. The pronunciation may seem rough and harsh,  but  is
the same as that used by  the  forefathers;  consequently  it  must  not  be
considered barbarous.  The  other  countries  of  England  differ  from  the
vernacular by a depraved pronunciation.
      Awareness of  regional  variation  in  England  is  evident  from  the
fourteenth  century,  seen  in  the   observation   of   such   writers   as
Higden/Trevisa or William Caxton and in the  literary  presentation  of  the
characters in Chaucers Reeves Tale or the Wakefield  Second  Shepherds
Play. Many of the writers on spelling and grammar  in  the  16th  and  17th
centuries  made  comments  about  regional  variation,  and  some  (such  as
Alexander Gil) were  highly  systematic  in  their  observants,  though  the
material is often obscured by a fog of personal prejudices.
      The picture  which  emerges  from  the  kind  of  dialect  information
obtained by the Survey of  English  Dialects  relates  historically  to  the
dialect divisions recognized in Old and Middle English.
      The classification of modern dialects presents serious difficulties as
their boundaries are rather vague and the language standard  more  and  more
invades the spread area of the dialectal speech. One  of  the  most  serious
attempts at such classification was made by  A.  Ellis.  His  classification
more or less exactly reflects the dialectal map of modern Great Britain  and
it was taken as the basis by many dialectologists.


      The map below displays thirteen traditional dialect areas (it excludes
the western tip of Cornwall and  most  of  Wales,  which  were  not  English
speaking until the 18th century). A major  division  is  drawn  between  the
North and everywhere else, broadly following the boundary between the Anglo-
Saxon kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia, and a Secondary division is  found
between  much  of  the  Midlands  and  areas  further  south.  A  hierarchal
representation of the dialect relationship is shown below. (8, p.324).



      Relatively few people in England now  speak  a  dialect  of  the  kind
represented above. Although some forms will still  be  encountered  in  real
life, they are more often  found  in  literary  representations  of  dialect
speech  and  in  dialect   humour   books.   The   disappearance   of   such
pronunciations, and their  associated  lexicon  and  grammar,  is  sometimes
described as English dialects dying out. The  reality  is  that  they  are
more than compensated for by the growth of  a  range  of  comparatively  new
dialect forms, chiefly associated with the urban areas of  the  country.  If
the distinguishing features of these dialects  are  used  as  the  basis  of
classification, a very different-looking dialect map emerges with  16  major
divisions.



                Part II. Background of the Cornish language.
      The southwestern areas of England include  Devonshire,  Somersetshire,
Cornwall, Wiltshire and Dosertshire. But first of all Id like to draw  your
attention to the Cornish language as it doesnt exist now.

                           The History of Cornish.
                           1. Who are the Cornish?
      The Cornish are a Celtic people,  in  ancient  times  the  Westernmost
kingdom of the Dumnonii, the people who inhabited  all  of  Cornwall,  Devon
and West Somerset.
      The Cornish are probably the same people who have  lived  in  Cornwall
since the introduction of farming around 3000 B.C.. The start of farming  in
Cornwall may also indicate the start of what some scholars now  term  proto
Indo-European, from whence the Celtic languages along with the  Italic  and
other related groups of languages began evolving.

                        2. What is a Celtic Language?
      Around 2000 B.C., the group of languages now called  Celtic  languages
started to split away from the other members of the Indo-European  group  of
languages. By 1200 B.C. Celtic civilisation, a heroic culture with  its  own
laws and religion is first known. It is from  this  period  that  the  first
king lists and legends are believed to come.

            3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?
      Between 1500 B.C. and the first encounters with the Romans (around 350
B.C.), the Celtic languages are believed to split into two distinct  groups,
the p and q  Celtic  branches.  Cornish,  Welsh  and  Breton  (to  which
Cornish is  most  closely  related)  are  the  three  remaining  p  Celtic
languages. Irish, Scots Gaelic and Manx being the q Celtic tongues.

                         4. The Decline of Cornish.
      Cornish  developed  pretty  much  naturally  into  a  modern  European
language until the 17th century, after which it came under pressure  by  the
encroachment of English.  Factors  involved  in  its  decline  included  the
introduction of the English prayer book, the rapid introduction  of  English
as a  language  of  commerce  and  most  particularly  the  negative  stigma
associated with what was considered by  Cornish  people  themselves  as  the
language of the poor.
                         5. The Rebirth of Cornish.
      Cornish died out as a native language in the late 19th  century,  with
the last Cornish speaker believed to have lived in  Penwith.  By  this  time
however, Cornish was being revived by Henry Jenner, planting the  seeds  for
the current state of the language and it is supposed that  the  last  native
speaker was the fishwoman Dolly Pentreath.

                            6. Standard Cornish.
      Standard Cornish was developed from Jenners work by a team under  the
leadership of Morton Nance, culminating in the first full set  of  grammars,
dictionaries and periodicals. Standard  Cornish  (Unified)  is  again  being
developed through UCR  (Unified  Cornish  Revised),  and  incorporates  most
features of Cornish, including allowing for Eastern  and  Western  forms  of
pronunciation and colloquial and literary forms of Cornish.

                         7. Who uses Cornish Today?
      Today Cornish typically appeals to all age groups and to those  either
who have an empathy with Cornwall, who have Cornish roots  or  perhaps  have
moved to Cornwall from elsewhere. One of  the  great  successes  of  Cornish
today is ifs wide appeal. After a break in native speakers  for  nearly  one
hundred years, Cornwall now has many children who  now  have  Cornish  as  a
native language along side English, and many more  who  are  fluent  in  the
language.

                   8. Government Recognition for Cornish.
      Cornish  is  the  only  modern  Celtic  language  that   receives   no
significant support from government, despite the  growing  numbers  learning
Cornish, and the immense good will towards it from ordinary  Cornish  people
and from elsewhere.
      This contrasts strongly with the favourable stand taken  by  the  Manx
government towards Manx for example, as evidenced  by  Manx  primary  school
places being made generally available.
      Recently, the UK government scrapped the Cornish GCSE. Lack of Cornish
language facilities and support is no longer just a language issue,  but  is
rapidly becoming a  civil  rights  and  political  issue  too.  Despite  the
growing support of councillors in Cornwall, some key individuals  in  County
Hall continue to make clear their hostility to the language.
      e.g. of the Cornish language:
                            Pyw yw an Gernowyon?
      Pobel Geltek yw an  bobel  a  Gernow  .  Yn  osow  hendasek,  an  wtas
Gorfewenna yn Wtas Dumnonii, neb a dregas yn Kernow,  Dewnans  ha  Gwtas  an
Haf.
      Y hyltyr bos del An Gernowyon a wrug trega yn Kernow hedro an  dallath
gonys tyr adro 3000 K.C.. An dallath gonys tyr yn Kernow a vo dallath an  os
proto Yndo-Europek, dres an tavajow Keltek ha tavajow Ytaiek  dallath  dhe
dhysplegya.



             Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects.
                              1. Vocalisation.
|Devonshire              |Somersetshire           |Wiltshire               |
|a after w                                                               |
|is realized as [a:]:    |is realized as []:     |                        |
|wasp [wa:sp]            |warm [wrm]             |                        |
|watch [wa:t?]           |warn [wrn]             |                        |
|want [wa:nt]            |wart [wrt]             |                        |
|wander [wa:nd ]         |                        |                        |
|asp, ass, ast, a > []: grass [grs], glass [gls], fast [fst]     |
|al + a consonant                                                          |
|                        |l is realized as [a:] |                        |
|                        |or                      |                        |
|                        |[  :]:                  |                        |
|                        |talk [ta:k]             |                        |
|                        |walk [wa:k]             |                        |
|                        |chalk [t?a:k]           |                        |
|                        |balk [ba:k]             |                        |
|a + l, a + ll                                                               |
|in the open syllable    |                        |in the open syllable    |
|a > []:              |                        |a > []:              |
|crane [krn]            |                        |crane [krn]            |
|frame [frm]            |                        |frame [frm]            |
|lame [lm]              |                        |lame [lm]              |
|make [mk]              |                        |make [mk]              |
|name [nm]              |                        |name [nm]              |
|The first sound is vowel                                                    |
|acre [jakr]                                                                 |
|ale [jal]                                                                   |
|acorn [jak?rn]                                                             |
|hare [hja:r]                                                                |
|ache [jek]                                                                  |
|acorn [jek?rn]                                                              |
|behave [b?hjev]                                                            |
|e in the closed syllables > a                                           |
|Nothern                 |Western                 |                        |
|egg [ag], fetch [fat?], step [stap],              |                        |
|wretch [rat?], stretch [strat?]                   |                        |
|e in the closed syllables > [e?]                                          |
|Eastern                 |Southern                |                        |
|egg [e?g], stretch [stre?t?]                      |                        |
|e in the closed syllables > [e:]                                          |
|South-Western           |Western                 |Middle/Eastern          |
|Leg [le:g], bed [be:d], hedge [he:d(]             |                        |
|if e follows w > [  :]                                                  |
|                        |Western                 |                        |
|                        |well [w  :l]            |                        |
|                        |twelve [tw  :lv]        |                        |
|                        |wench [w  :nt?]         |                        |
|i in the closed syllable                                                  |
|North-Western           |Western                 |                        |
|> [e]:                  |> [  ]:                 |                        |
|big [beg]               |bill [b  l]             |                        |
|bid [bed]               |little [l  tl]         |                        |
|flitch [fletch]         |children [t?  ldr n]   |                        |
|sit [set]               |cliff [kl  f]           |                        |
|spit [spet]             |hill [h  l]             |                        |
|                        |drift [dr  ft]          |                        |
|                        |shrimp [?r  mp]         |                        |
|                        |fit [f  t]              |                        |
|                        |ship [?  p]             |                        |
|                        |pig [p  g]              |                        |
|                        |fish [f  ?]             |                        |
|ight > [e]                                                                |
|North-Western           |Western                 |                        |
|flight, right                                     |                        |
|if a nasal consonant follows i                                            |
|> [e]:                  |                        |> [e]:                  |
|sing [se?]              |                        |sing [se?]              |
|cling [kle?]            |                        |cling [kle?]            |
|i before nd                                                             |
|North-Western           |                        |                        |
|> [e]:                  |                        |                        |
|bind [ben]              |                        |                        |
|blind [blen]            |                        |                        |
|find [ven]              |                        |                        |
|grind [gren]            |                        |                        |
|i before ld                                                             |
|                        |Eastern                 |                        |
|                        |> [i:]:                 |                        |
|                        |mild [mi:ld]            |                        |
|                        |wild [wi:ld]            |                        |
|                        |child [t??ld]           |                        |
|i in the open syllable                                                    |
|South-Western           |Southern                |                        |
|> [e?]:                 |> [e?]:                 |                        |
|fly [fle?]              |bide [be?d]             |                        |
|lie [le?]               |wide [we?d]             |                        |
|thigh [?e?]             |time [te?m]             |                        |
|Eastern                 |                        |                        |
|> [  ?]:                |                        |                        |
|fly [fl  ?]             |                        |                        |
|lie [l  ?]              |                        |                        |
|o in the closed syllable followed by a consonant                          |
|South-Western           |                        |Eastern                 |
|> [a:]:                 |                        |> [  ]:                 |
|dog [da:g]              |                        |cot [k  t]              |
|cross [kra:s]           |                        |bottom [b  tm]          |
|                        |                        |dog [d  g]              |
|                        |                        |cross [kr  s]           |
|                        |                        |Western                 |
|                        |                        |> [a:]:                 |
|                        |                        |dog [da:g]              |
|                        |                        |cross [kra:s]           |
|o + a nasal consonant                                                     |
|North-Western           |Western                 |Western                 |
|> []:                  |> []:                  |                        |
|among [?m?]           |among [?m?]           |among [?m?]           |
|long [l?]              |long [l?]              |long [l?]              |
|wrong [r?]             |wrong [r?]             |wrong [r?]             |
|ol + a consonant                                                          |
|                        |Western                 |Western                 |
|                        |> [u?]:                 |> [u?]:                 |
|                        |gold [gv?ld]            |gold [gv?ld]            |
|                        |old [u?ld]              |old [u?ld]              |
|o in the open syllable and oa                                           |
|                        |Western                 |                        |
|                        |> [  ]:                 |                        |
|                        |bone [b  n]             |                        |
|                        |broad [br  d]           |                        |
|                        |rope [r  p]             |                        |
|                        |load [l  d]             |                        |
|                        |oi                    |                        |
|                        |                        |> [a?]:                 |
|                        |                        |choice [t?a?s]          |
|                        |                        |join [d(a?n]            |
|                        |                        |moil [ma?l]             |
|                        |                        |point [pa?nt]           |
|                        |                        |spoil [spa?l]           |
|                        |                        |voice [va?s]            |
|u in the closed syllable                                                  |
|Southern                |                        |                        |
|> [e]:                  |                        |                        |
|but [bet]               |                        |                        |
|dust [dest]             |                        |                        |
|ou / ow                                                                 |
|                        |                        |Easter                  |
|                        |                        |> [av]:                 |
|                        |                        |low [lav]               |
|                        |                        |owe [au]                |
|oo                                                                        |
|North-Western           |Western                 |Middle/Eastern          |
|> [?]:                  |> []:                  |> [  ]:                 |
|good [g?d]              |book [bk]              |book [b  k]             |
|hood [h?d]              |cook [kk]              |brook [br  k]           |
|foot [f?t]              |crook [krk]            |crook [kr  k]           |
|blood [bl?d]            |look [lk]              |look [l  k]             |
|stood [st?d]            |took [tk]              |took [t  k]             |
|bloom [bl?m]            |good [gd]              |good [g  d]             |
|broom [br?m]            |foot [ft]              |foot [f  t]             |
|moon [m?n]              |stood [std]            |soot [s  t]             |
|loom [l?m]              |                        |flood [fl  d]           |
|Eastern                 |                        |                        |
|> [  ]:                 |                        |                        |
|book [b  k]             |                        |                        |
|brook [br  k]           |                        |                        |
|crook [kr  k]           |                        |                        |
|i in the open syllable                                                    |
|South-western           |Southern                |                        |
|> [e?]:                 |> [e?]:                 |                        |
|fly [fle?]              |bide [be?d]             |                        |
|lie [le?]               |wide [we?d]             |                        |
|thigh [?e?]             |time [te?m]             |                        |
|Eastern                 |                        |                        |
|> [  ?]:                |                        |                        |
|fly [fl  ?]             |                        |                        |
|lie [l  ?]              |                        |                        |
|o in the closed syllable followed by a consonant                          |
|South-western           |                        |Eastern                 |
|> [a:]:                 |                        |> [  ]:                 |
|dog [da:g]              |                        |cot [k  t]              |
|cross [kra:s]           |                        |bottom [b  tm]          |
|                        |                        |dog [d  g]              |
|                        |                        |cross [kr  s]           |
|                        |                        |Western                 |
|                        |                        |> [a:]:                 |
|                        |                        |dog [da:g]              |
|                        |                        |cross [kra:s]           |
|Devonshire              |Somersetshire           |Wiltshire               |
|o + a nasal consonant                                                     |
|North-western           |Western                 |Western                 |
|> []: among [?m?], long [l?], wrong [wr?]                              |
|ol + a consonant                                                          |
|                        |Western                 |Western                 |
|                        |> [u?l]: gold [gv?ld], old [u?ld]                 |
|oa                                                                        |
|                        |Western                 |                        |
|                        |> [  ]:                 |                        |
|                        |bone [b  n]             |                        |
|                        |broad [br  d]           |                        |
|                        |rope [r  p]             |                        |
|                        |load [l  d]             |                        |
|                        |oi                    |                        |
|                        |                        |> [a?]:                 |
|                        |                        |choice [t?a?s]          |
|                        |                        |join [d(a?n]            |
|                        |                        |moil [ma?l]             |
|                        |                        |point [pa?nt]           |
|                        |                        |spoil [spa?l]           |
|                        |                        |voice [va?s]            |
|u in the closed syllable                                                  |
|Southern                |                        |                        |
|> [e]:                  |                        |                        |
|but [bet]               |                        |                        |
|dust [dest]             |                        |                        |
|ou/ow                                                                   |
|                        |                        |Easter                  |
|                        |                        |> [av]:                 |
|                        |                        |low [lav]               |
|                        |                        |owe [au]                |
|oo                                                                        |
|North-Western           |Western                 |Middle/Eastern          |
|> [?]:                  |> []:                  |> [  ]:                 |
|good [g?d]              |book [bk]              |book [b  k]             |
|hood [h?d]              |cook [kk]              |brook [br  k]           |
|foot [f?t]              |crook [krk]            |crook [kr  k]           |
|blood [bl?d]            |look [lk]              |look [l  k]             |
|stood [st?d]            |took [tk]              |took [t  k]             |
|bloom [bl?m]            |good [gd]              |good [g  d]             |
|broom [br?m]            |foot [ft]              |foot [f  t]             |
|moon [m?n]              |stood [std]            |soot [s  t]             |
|loom [l?m]              |                        |flood [fl  d]           |
|root [r?t]              |                        |                        |
|spoon [sp?n]            |                        |                        |
|Eastern                 |                        |                        |
|> [  ]:                 |                        |                        |
|book [b  k]             |                        |                        |
|brook [br  k]           |                        |                        |
|crook [kr  k]           |                        |                        |
|look [l  k]             |                        |                        |
|er, ir, ur                                                            |
|                        |Southern                |                        |
|                        |> [a:]:                 |                        |
|                        |learn [la:n]            |                        |
|                        |earth [a:?]             |                        |
|                        |bird [ba:d]             |                        |
|                        |birch [ba:t?]           |                        |
|                        |merchant [ma:t??nt]    |                        |
|                        |herb [ha:b]             |                        |
|                        |work [wa:k]             |                        |
|or                                                                        |
|                        |> [a:]: fork [fa:k], horse [ha:s], horn [ha:n],   |
|                        |short [?a:t],                                     |
|                        |            Morning [ma:n??], word [wa:d]        |
|ew                                                                        |
|Eastern                 |                        |Northern                |
|> [:]:                 |                        |> [jav]:                |
|dew [d:]               |                        |dew [djau]              |
|few [f:]               |                        |few [fjau]              |
|                        |                        |new [njau]              |
|                                                                            |
|2. Consonantism                                                             |
|[w] in the beginning of the word or before h                              |
|old [w  l]              |                        |[w] is not pronounced:  |
|oak [w  k]              |                        |week [ouk]              |
|hot [w  t]              |                        |swick [su:k]            |
|home [w  m]             |                        |                        |
|orchard [wurt??t]       |                        |                        |
|hole [hwul]             |                        |                        |
|hope [hwup]             |                        |                        |
|open [wupen]           |                        |                        |
|w before r                                                              |
|is not pronounced       |Western                 |is not pronounced       |
|                        |> [vr]:                 |                        |
|                        |wreck, wren, wrench,    |                        |
|                        |wrap, write, wrong      |                        |
|                        |e.g. Ye vratch, yeve   |                        |
|                        |vrutten that avrang.   |                        |
|                        |(= You wretch, youve   |                        |
|                        |written that all wrong.)|                        |
|wh at the beginning of a word is [w], [u:], [u?]                          |
|in the middle of a word [w] is pronounced                                   |
|boy [bwo], moist [mw  ?st], toad [twud], cool [kwul], country [kw?ntr?]    |
|f, th, s, sh are voiced                                             |
|Friday [vr:d?], friends [vr?n(], fleas [vle:z], and in the these words:   |
|foe, father, fair, fear, find, fish, foal, full, follow, filth, fist, fire, |
|fond, fault, feast, force, forge, fool.                                     |
|[?]: thought [  :t], thick [?k], thigh [a?], and in the words: from,     |
|freeze, fresh, free, friend, frost, frog, froth, flesh, fly flock, flood,   |
|fleece, fling, flower, fail.                                                |
|t at the beginning of the word before a vowel                             |
|Nothern                 |                        |                        |
|> [t?]:                 |                        |                        |
|team [t?em],            |                        |                        |
|tune [t?un],            |                        |                        |
|Tuesday [t?uzde]       |                        |                        |
|East D t in the middle|                        |                        |
|of the word is voiced:  |                        |                        |
|bottle [b  dl],        |                        |                        |
|kettle [kedl],         |                        |                        |
|little [l?dl],         |                        |                        |
|nettle [nedl],         |                        |                        |
|bottom [b dm],         |                        |                        |
|matter [med?],         |                        |                        |
|cattle [k  dl],        |                        |                        |
|kittens [k?dnz]         |                        |                        |
|t in the middle of the word is voiced                                     |
|                        |                        |Western                 |
|                        |                        |bottle [b  dl],        |
|                        |                        |kettle [kedl],         |
|                        |                        |little [l?dl],         |
|                        |                        |nettle [nedl],         |
|                        |                        |bottom [b dm],         |
|                        |                        |matter [med?],         |
|                        |                        |cattle [k  dl],        |
|                        |                        |kittens [k?dnz]         |
|The consonant [t] in (the French borrowings) hasnt become [t?] as it is in |
|RP:                                                                         |
|picture [p?kt?r], nature [net?r], feature [f??t?r]                       |
|the middle [t] sometimes disappears in the positions before ml, nl,   |
|mr                                                                       |
|                        |Western                 |                        |
|                        |brimstone [br?msn]     |                        |
|                        |empty [emp?]           |                        |
|                        |The same happens to the |                        |
|                        |middle [b]:             |                        |
|                        |chamber > chimmer,      |                        |
|                        |embers > emmers,        |                        |
|                        |brambles > brimmels     |                        |
|between l and r; r and l; n and r a parasitic [d] has developed |
|parlour [pa:ld?r], tailor [ta?ld?r], smaller [sm  :ld?r], curls          |
|[ka:dlz], hurl [a:dl], marl [ma:dl], quarrel [kw  :dl], world [wa:dl], |
|corner [ka:nd?r]                                                           |
|                        |                        |Western                 |
|                        |                        |a parasitic [d] appeared|
|                        |                        |after [l, n, r]:        |
|                        |                        |feel [fi:ld]            |
|                        |                        |school [sku:ld]         |
|                        |                        |idle [a?dld]            |
|                        |                        |mile [ma?dl]            |
|                        |                        |born [ba?nd]            |
|                        |                        |soul [s  :ld]           |
|                        |                        |soon [zu:nd]            |
|                        |                        |gown [gaund]            |
|                        |                        |swoon [zaund]           |
|                        |                        |wine [wa?nd]            |
|                        |                        |miller [m?l?d]         |
|                        |                        |scholar [sk  l?d]      |
|the middle [d] in the word needle comes after [l]: [ni:ld]                |
|                        |Eastern                 |                        |
|                        |In the word disturb   |                        |
|                        |[b] is pronounced as [v]|                        |
|                        |-                       |                        |
|                        |[dis, t?:v]             |                        |
|the first [?] is pronounced as []                                          |
|thank [?k] and in other words: thatch, thaw, thigh, thin, thing, think,   |
|third, thistle, thong, thought, thousand, thumb, thunder, Thursday          |
|                        |Sometimes [?] is        |                        |
|                        |pronounced as [t] at the|                        |
|                        |end of the word:        |                        |
|                        |lath [lat]              |                        |
|                        |                        |Western                 |
|                        |                        |In some words [s] at the|
|                        |                        |beginning of the word is|
|                        |                        |pronounced as [?]:      |
|                        |                        |suet [?u?t].            |
|                        |                        |The same happens when   |
|                        |                        |[s] is in the middle of |
|                        |                        |the word:               |
|                        |                        |first [fer?t]           |
|                        |                        |breast [br??t]          |
|                        |                        |next [n??t]             |
|                        |                        |North-West W: [s] is    |
|                        |                        |sometimes pronounced as |
|                        |                        |[(]: sure [(u?r]        |
|sh, sk at the end of the word                                           |
|                        |Western                 |                        |
|                        |> [s]:                  |                        |
|                        |cask [k  s]             |                        |
|                        |flask [fl  s]           |                        |
|                        |leash [li:s]            |                        |
|                        |tusk [tus]              |                        |
|                        |Sometimes instead of [k]|                        |
|                        |[t?] is heard:          |                        |
|                        |back [b  t?]            |                        |
|                        |wark [wa:t?]            |                        |
|sometimes the initial letter or a syllable is apsent                        |
|                        |Western                 |Eastern                 |
|                        |believe, deliver, desire, directly, disturb,      |
|                        |eleven, enough, except, occasion, inquest,        |
|                        |epidemic                                          |
|the initial cl                                                            |
|> [tl]: clad [tlad], clap, clay, claw, clean, cleave, clergy, clerk, clew,  |
|cliff, climb, cling, clip, cloak, close, clot, cloth, cloud, clout          |
|gl in the beginning of the word                                           |
|> [dl]: glad, glass, glisten, gloom, glove, glow                            |
|[l] in the middle of the word isnt pronounced                              |
|                        |Western                 |Eastern                 |
|                        |Already                                           |
|                        |shoulder [?a:d?r]                                |
|                        |                        |the Middle/Eastern      |
|                        |                        |[l] is often > [  ]:    |
|                        |                        |bill [b?  ]            |
|                        |                        |tool [tu  ]            |
|                        |                        |nibble [n?b  ]         |
|                        |                        |milk [m?  k]           |
|                        |                        |silk [s?  k]           |



                                 3. Grammar.
                                 3.1 Nouns.
      The definite article.
      - There isnt the definite  article  before  same:  Tis  sames  I
        always told ee.
      - The of-phrase the of is of ten used instead  of  the  possessive
        pronoun (e.g. the head of him instead of his head)
      The plural form of a noun.
      - In many cases -s (es) can be added for several times:
           e.g. steps [steps?z] (South Som.)
      - in some cases [n] is heard at the end of the word:
           e.g. keys [ki:n] (Wil.)
                  cows [kain] (Dev.)
                  bottles [botln] (South-W. Dev.)
                  primroses [pr?mr  zn] (Dev.)
      - but sometimes [s] is heard in the words ended with -n
        e.g. oxen [  ksnz] (Western Som.)
               rushes [r?ksnz] (Dev.)
      - some nouns have the same form in the singular and in the plural:
      e.g. chicken - chickens [t??k] (Som.)
             pipe - pipes [pa?p] (Som.)
      - sometimes the plural form  of  the  noun  is  used  insted  of  the
        singular form:
           a house [auzn] (Southern Wil.)

                                 3.2 Gender.
      The full characteristic of Gender in South-Western English Id like to
base on the part of the article by  Paddock.  Paddock  uses  the  historical
lebel Wessex to describe the countries of South-Western England.

                 3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.
      It is usually claimed  that  English  nouns  lost  their  grammatical
gender during the historical period called  Middle  English,  roughly  1100-
1500. But this  claim  needs  some  qualification.  What  actually  happened
during the Middle English period was  that  more  overt  gender  marking  of
English nouns gave way to more covert marking.  As  in  Lyons  (1968:281-8),
the term gender is used  here  to  refer  to  morphosyntactic  classes  of
nouns. It is true that the loss of adjective concord in Middle English  made
gender marking less overt; but Modern English still retains some  determiner
concord which allows  us  to  classify  nouns  (Christophersen  and  Sandved
1969). In addition, Modern English (ModE), like Old English (OE) and  Middle
English (ME), possesses pronominal distinctions which enable us to  classify
nouns.
      We can distinguish at least three distinctly different types of gender
marking along the continuum from most overt to most covert. The  most  overt
involves the marking of gender in the morphology of the noun itself,  as  in
Swahili (Lyons 1968:284-6). Near the middle of  the  overt-covert  continuum
we could place the marking of gender in adnominals such  as  adjectives  and
determiners. At or near the covert end of the scale we find the  marking  of
gender in pronominal systems.
      During all three main historical stages of the English  language  (OE,
ME, ModE) one has been able to  assign  nouns  to  three  syntactic  classes
called MASCULINE,  FEMININE and NEUTER.  However,  throughout  the  recorded
history of English this three-way gender marking has become  less  and  less
overt. In OE all three types of gender marking were present. But even in  OE
the intrinsic marking (by noun inflections) was often ambiguous in  that  it
gave more information about noun declension (ie paradigm class)  than  about
gender (ie concord class). The least ambiguous marking of gender in  OE  was
provided by the adnominals traditionally called demonstratives and  definite
articles. In addition, gender discord sometimes occurred in  OE,  in  that
the intrinsic gender marking (if any) and the adnominal marking, on the  one
hand, did not always agree with the gender of the pronominal, on  the  other
hand. Standard ME underwent the loss of a three-way  gender  distinction  in
the morphology of both the nominals and  the  adnominals.  This  meant  that
Standard ModE nouns were left with only the most covert  type  of  three-way
gender marking, that of the pronominals. Hence  we  can  assign  a  Standard
ModE noun to the gender class MASCULINE, FEMININE  or  NEUTER  by  depending
only on whether it selects he, she or it respectively as its proform.
      During the ME and Early ModE periods the  south-western  (here  called
Wessex-type) dialects of England diverged from  Standard  English  in  their
developments of adnominal and  pronominal  subsystems.  In  particular,  the
demonstratives of  Standard  English  lost  all  trace  of  gender  marking,
whereas  in  south-western  dialects  their  OE  three-way  distinction   of
MASCULINE/FEMININE/NEUTER developed into a  two-way  MASS/COUNT  distinction
which has survived in some Wessex-type dialects of Late ModE. The result  in
Wessex  was  that  the   two-way   distinction   in   adnominals   such   as
demonstratives and indefinites came into partial conflict  with  the  three-
way distinction in pronominals. (18, p.31-32)
      - Nowadays in the south-western dialects the pronouns he / she are
used instead of a noun:
      e.g. My ooman put her bonnet there last year, and the birds laid their
eggs in   him. (= it)
      Wurs my shovel? I aa gotim; hims her. (= Where is  my  shovel?  Ive
got it. Thats it.)
- In the south-western dialects objects are divided into two categories:
1) countable nouns (a tool, a tree), and the pronouns he / she are  used
with them
2) uncountable nouns (water, dust), and the pronoun it is used with them.
      The pronoun he is used towards women.

                                3.3 Numerals.
      In south-western dialects the compound numerals (21-99) are pronounced
as: five and fifty, six and thirty.
      In Devonshire instead of the second twoth  is  used  (the  twenty-
twoth of April).

                               3.4 Adjectives.
      In  all  dialects  of  the  south-west  -er,  -est  are  used  in  the
comparative and  superative  degrees  with  one-,  two-  and  more  syllabic
adjectives:
      e.g. the naturaler
             the seasonablest
             delightfuller (-est)
             worser - worsest (Dw.)
      - The words: gin, an, as, nor, till, by, to, in, on
        are used instead of than in the comparative forms:
      e.g. When the lad there wasnt scarce the height of that stool, and  a
      less size on   (= than) his brother;
             Thats better gin naething;
             More brass inney (= than you) haddn;
             Its moor in bargain (= more than a bargain).
      - The word many is used with uncountable nouns
      e.g. many water / milk
      - The word first is often used in the meaning of the next:
      e.g. The first time I gang to the smiddie Ill give it to him.
             Will you come Monday first or Monday eight days?

                                3.5 Pronouns.
    - The forms of the nominative case are often used instead of  the  forms
      of the objective case and vice versa:
      e.g. Oi dont think much o they (= of them).
             Oi went out a-walkin wi she (= with her).
             Oi giv ut t he (= it) back again.
             Us (= we) dont want t play wi he (= him).
             Har (= she) oont speak t th loikes o we (= us).
             When us (= we) is busy, him (= he) comes and does a days  work
      for we  (= us).
      - The pronoun mun (min) is used  in  those  cases,  when  in  the
        literary language them is used:
      e.g. put mun in the house
            gie mun to me
            I mind (= remember) the first time I seed mun.
      - Mun is also used instead of him, it
      e.g. let min alone
             it would sarve un right if I telled the parson of mun
      - Instead of those, them is used:
      e.g. I mind none of them things.
            Give us them apples.
            Fetch them plaates off o th pantry shelf.
      - In the south-western dialects at the beginning of the  sentenu  the
        personal and impersonal pronouns are often dropped.
      - Whom is never used in the south-western dialects. Instead  of  it
        as / at is used:
      e.g. Thats the chap as (or what) his uncle was hanged.
             The man at his coats torn.
      - The nominative case of the personal pronouns is  also  used  before
        selves:
      e.g. we selves (Somerseshire, Devonshire)
      - The standard demonstrative pronoun this is  used  in  the  south-
        western  dialects  as:  this,  this  here,  thease,  thisn,
        thisna.
      - The standard demonstrative pronoun that is  used  in  the  south-
        western dialects as: thatn, thickumy, thilk:
      e.g. I suppose I could have told thee thilk.
      - Those is never used in the south-western dialects.
        thir ans is used instead of it.

         3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire
                                  dialect.
      Id like to give not only the grammatical  description  of  adjectives
and pronouns in the south-western part of England, but the pronunciation  of
demonstrative adjectives and pronouns found in the dialect of south zeal,  a
village on the northern edge of Dartmoor. Martin Harris  made  his  research
work in this field:
      The analysis is based on a corpus  of  some  twenty  hours  of  tape-
recorded conversation, collected in the course of work for a  Ph.D.  thesis,
either in the form of a dialogue between two informants or  of  a  monologue
on the part of a  single  informant.  The  principal  informant,  Mr  George
Cooper, has lived for some eighty-five years in the  parish,  and  has  only
spent one night in his life outside the county of Devon.
      For the purposes of this chapter, only one phonological point needs to
be made. The /r/ phoneme is retroflex  in  final  position,  and  induces  a
preceding weak central vowel [?] when occurring  in  the  environment  /Vr/,
(thus [V?r]), when the /V/ in question is /i:/ or /?/. (These are  the  only
two vowels relevant within this  work.).  The  transcription  used  for  the
actual forms should not give rise to any further problems. In  the  case  of
the illustrative examples, 1 have  decided  to  use  a  quasi-orthographical
representation,  since  the  actual  phonetic/phonemic  realization  is  not
directly relevant to the point under discussion. The  prominent  syllable(s)
in each example are illustrated thus: .


      We may now proceed to look at the actual forms found  in  the  dialect
(Table 1):
|Singular adjective|                  |                  |                  |
|                  |/i:z/            |/at/             |/i-ki:/          |
|Simple            |/s/              |                  |                  |
|First compound    |/i:z/ ji:r/      |/at ?r/         |/i-ki: ?r/      |
|                  |/is ji:r/        |                  |                  |
|Singular pronoun  |                  |                  |                  |
|Simple            |/is/             |/at/             |/ i-ki:/         |
|                  |/i:z/            |                  |                  |
|First compound    |/is ji:r/        |/at ?r/         |                  |
|Second compound   |/is ji:r ji:r/   |/at ?r ?r/     |                  |
|Plural adjective  |                  |                  |                  |
|Simple            |/ejz/            |/ej/             |/i-ki:/          |
|                  |/i:z/            |                  |                  |
|First compound    |/ejz ji:r/       |/ej ?r/         |/i-ki: ?r/      |
|Plural pronoun    |                  |                  |                  |
|Simple (only)     |                  |/ej/             |                  |


      The relative frequency of these forms is shown in Table 2.
|Adjectives                                                                 |
|Singular          |%                 |Plural            |%                 |
|/i:z/            |13                |/ejz/            |23                |
|/is/             |11                |/i:z/            |2                 |
|/i:z ji:r/       |9                 |/ejz ji:r/       |7                 |
|/is ji:r/        |2                 |/i:z ji:r/       |4                 |
|/at/             |15                |/ej/             |49                |
|/at ?r/         |3                 |/ej ?r/         |2                 |
|/i-ki:/          |43                |/i-ki:/          |10                |
|/i-ki: ?r/      |4                 |/i-ki: ?r/      |3                 |
|                  |100               |                  |100               |
|Pronouns                                                                   |
|Singular          |%                 |Plural            |%                 |
|/is/             |10                |                  |                  |
|/i:z/            |4                 |                  |                  |
|/is ji:r/        |2                 |                  |                  |
|/is ji:r ji:r/   |25                |/ej/             |100               |
|/at/             |22                |                  |                  |
|/at ?r/         |2                 |                  |                  |
|/at ?r ?r/     |34                |                  |                  |
|/i-ki:/          |1                 |                  |                  |
|                  |100               |                  |                  |

      The paradigm as outlined in Tables 1,  2  presents  few  morphological
problems. The two pairs of forms /i:z/ and /is/ and /ejz/ and /i:z/  do,
however, need examination. In the singular of the adjective, the  two  forms
/i:z/ and /is/ are both frequent, being  used  mostly  in  unstressed  and
stressed  position  respectively.  However,  some  30  per   cent   of   the
occurrences of each form do not follow this tendency, so it  does  not  seem
profitable to set up a stressed: unstressed opposition,  particularly  since
such a division would serve no purpose in the case of  /at/  and  /i-ki:/.
With the first compounds, the form /i:z ji:r/ outnumbers  /is  ji:r/  in
the ratio 1 in the adjective position.
      When functioning as a pronoun, /i:z/ is rare as  a  simple  form  and
never occurs  at  all  either  within  a  first  compound  (although  first
compounds are so rare as pronouns that no generalization  can  usefully  be
made, see Table 2) or within a  second  compound,  where  only  /is  ji:r
ji:r/, never /i:z ji:r ji:r/,  is  found.  Thus  /is/  seems  to  be  more
favoured as a pronoun, and /i:z/ as an adjective; this, of course, is  only
a tendency.
      In the plural, the position is more clear-cut.  The  normal  adjective
plurals are /ejz/ and /ejz ji:r/, which outnumber /i:z/ and  /i:z  ji:r/
by a large margin (see Table 2). Such cases of the latter as  do  occur  may
perhaps be ascribed to Standard English influence, since /i:z/  is  clearly
used normally as a singular rather than a plural form. The  absence  of  any
reflex of /ejz/ as a plural pronoun is discussed below.
      The other forms present little morphological difficulty. There is only
one occurrence of /i-ki:/ as a pronoun, although as an adjective it  almost
outnumbers /i:z/ and /at/ together, so it seems  to  belong  primarily  to
the adjectival system. The normal singular pronouns are  either  the  simple
forms or the second compounds, the first compounds being most unusual.
      In the plural of  the  adjective,  the  simple  forms  are  much  more
frequent than their equivalent first compounds, whereas in the  plural  of
the pronoun, there is apparently only the one  form  /ej/.  The  status  of
this form is discussed below.
      The following are  examples  of  those  demonstatives  which  are  not
further discussed below. The uses of /at/ as a singular adjective, of  /i-
ki:/ as a singular or plural adjective, and of all the  pronouns  are  fully
exemplified in the syntactic section, and thus no examples are given here.
      /i:z/
      I come down here to live in this little old street.
      Well; this year, I done a bit lighter.
      Now this season, tis over.
      This was coming this way.
      /is ji:r/
      Theres all this here sort of jobs going on to day.
      I was down there where this here plough was up here.
      Iejzl
      These places be alright if you know where youm going to.
      They got to pay the wages to these people.
      I do a bit of gardening . . . and likes of all these things.
      /ej/
      What makes all they hills look so well?
      Where Jim was sent to, they two met.
      They wont have all they sort of people up there.
      Tell Cooper to shift they stones there.
      We may now turn to  the  functions  of  those  forms  whose  uses  are
identifiably different from those of Standard English.
      The most striking feature of the demonstrative system is that, in  the
singular adjective  system  at  least,  there  is  apparently  a  three-term
opposition /i:z : at : i-ki:/, in contrast with the  two-term  system  of
Standard English. It seems fair to say that the role of  /i:z/  is  similar
to that of 'this' in Standard English (but see note on /i:z  ji:r/  below),
but any  attempt  to  differentiate  /at/  and  /i-ki:/  proves  extremely
difficult. There are a number of sentences of the type:
      If you was to put that stick in across thicky pony . . .
where the two forms seem to fill the same function. The virtual  absence  of
/i-ki:/ from the pronoun system, together with the fact  that  /i-ki:/  is
three times as frequent as /at/ as an adjective, would  suggest  that  /i-
ki:/ is the normal adjectival form in the dialect,  and  that  /at/  has  a
greater range, having a  function  which  is  basically  pronominal  but  in
addition adjectival at times. This is further supported  by  the  fact  that
when presented with sentences of the type:
      He turned that hare three times and he caught it.
the informant claimed that /i-ki:/ would be equally  acceptable  and  could
indicate no distinction. Thus there are pairs of sentences such as
      I used to walk that there two mile and half.
      You'd walk thicky nine mile.
  or again
      That finished that job.
      I wouldnt have thicky job.
      There are certain cases where either one form or the other seems to be
required. In particular, /at/ is used when actually indicating a size  with
the hands:
      Go up and see the stones that length, that thickness.
while /i-ki:/ is used in contrast  with  /t?-r/,  where  Standard  English
would normally use one or the one.
      Soon as they got it thicky hand, theyd thruck(?) it  away  with  the
tother.
      In the adjective plural, the contrast between /i-ki:/  and  /ej/  is
not a real one, since /i-ki:/ is found only with numerals.
      I had thicky eighteen bob a week.
      I expect thicky nine was all one mans sheep.
      When presented with /i-ki:/ before  plural  nominals,  the  informant
rejected them. It would therefore be preferable to redefine  singular  and
plural in the dialect to account for this, rather than  to  consider  /i-
ki:/ as a plural form; this would accordingly neutralize in the  plural  any
/i-ki:/:/at/ opposition which may exist in the singular.
      In the pronominal system, there is only one occurrence of /i-ki:/:
      My missis bought thicky before her died (a radio).
      It is true that most of the occurrences of /al/ as a pronoun  do  not
refer to a specific antecedent, e.g. I cant afford to do that,  but  there
are a number of cases where /at/ does play a role closely parallel to  /i-
ki:/ above.
      As I was passing that, and that was passing me (a dog).
      As there are no other examples of  /i-ki:/  as  a  singular  pronoun,
either simply or as part of a first or second compound, and no cases  at
all in the plural, it seems fair to say that any  /at/:/i-ki:/  opposition
is realized only in  the  singular  adjective,  and  that  here  too  it  is
difficult to see what the basis of  any  opposition  might  be.  A  list  of
representative examples of /at/, /at ?r/, /i-ki:/ and  /i-ki:  ?r/  is
given below, in their function as singular  adjectives,  so  that  they  can
easily be compared.
      /at/
      All they got to do is steer that little wheel a bit.
      Youd put in dynamite to blast that stone off.
      Usd go in that pub and have a pint of beer.
      /at ?r/
      I used to walk that there two mile and half.
      Good as gold, that there thing was.
      /i-ki:/
      All of us be in thicky boat, you see.
      Thicky dog, he said, been there all day?
      Stairs went up there, like, thicky side, thicky end of the wall.
      Thicky place would be black with people . . .
      I travelled thicky old road four  year . . .
      Whats thicky little place called, before you get up Yelverton?
      Thicky field, theyd break it, they called it.
      He was going to put me and Jan up thicky night.
      Never been through thicky road  since.
      /i-ki: ?r/
      Jim Connell carted home thicky there jar of cyder same as  he  carted
it up.
      We got in thicky there field . . .
      The morphological status of /i:z/ and  /is/  as  singulars,  and  of
/ejz/ and /i:z/ as plurals  has  already  been  discussed.  Syntactically,
their use seems to correspond to Standard English  closely,  except  in  one
important respect: the first compound forms are used in a way  similar  to
a non-standard usage which is fairly widespread, in the sense of a  or  a
certain.
      /i:z ji:r/
      Hed got this here dog.
      Youd put this here great crust on top.
      The first compound is  never  used  as  an  equivalent  to  Standard
English this, being reserved for uses of the type  above,  although  there
is another form /i:z  .  .  .  ji:r/,  which  is  occasionally  used  where
Standard English would show this, eg Between here and this  village  here
like.
      In the plural, an exactly parallel syntactic division  occurs  between
/ejz/ (cf Standard English these) and /ejz ji:r/.
      These here maidens that was here . . .
      I used to put them in front of these here sheds.
      They got these here hay-turners . . .
      In all the above examples, the first compounds,  both  singular  and
plural, refer to items which have not been mentioned before, and  which  are
not adjacent to the speaker; they are thus referentially distinct  from  the
normal use of Standard English this.
      Although we can fairly say that /i:z/ and  /ejz/  are  syntactically
distinct from their equivalent first compounds, what of the other  adjective
compounds /at ?r/, /i-ki: ?r/ and  /ej  ?r/?  There  seems  to  be  no
syntactic division in these cases between them and their  equivalent  simple
forms, so it is perhaps not  surprising  that  Table  2  shows  them  to  be
without exception much less common than /i:z ji:r/ and /ejz  ji:r/,  which
have a distinct syntactic role. Forms such as
      Us got in thicky there field
  and
      Good as gold, that there thing was.
  do not seem any different from
      Us mowed thicky little plat . . .
  and
      He turned that hare three times . . .
      There is certainly no apparent correlation with any notional degree of
emphasis.
      In the case of  the  singular  pronouns,  the  first  compounds  are
extremely rare, cf.
      He done well with that there. (/at ?r/)
      He went out broad, this here whats dead now. (/i:z ji:r/).
      The basic opposition here is between the simple forms and the  second
compounds /is ji:r ji:r/ and /at ?r ?r/. Here  the  syntactic  division
is fairly  clear:  the  second  compounds  are  used  in  certain  adverbial
phrases, particularly after like, where the  demonstrative  refers  to  no
specific antecedent:
      Tis getting like this here here.
      Ive had to walk home after that there there.
and also, with reference to a specific antecedent, when particular  emphasis
is drawn to the item in question.
      Ive had the wireless there, this here here, for good many years.
      One of these here crocks, something like that there there.
      In all other cases, the simple forms are used.
      This was coming this way.
      Then he did meet with this.
      Thats one bad job, that was.
      /at/ is used particularly frequently in two phrases, likes  of  that
and and that.
      He doed a bit of farmering and likes of that.
      I got a jumper and that home now.
      The last question is one of the most interesting. Is there really only
one form /ej/ functioning as a plural pronoun? At first sight,  this  would
seem improbable, given that there is a  plural  adjective  form  /ejz/  and
that the 'this':'that' opposition is maintained  elsewhere  in  the  system.
However, all attempts to elicit such a form failed, and there  is  at  least
one spontaneous utterance where, if a form /ejz/ did exist  as  a  pronoun,
it might be expected to appear:
      Theres thousands of acres out there would grow it better  than  they
in here grow it.
Taking  all  these  factors  together,  we  tentatively  suggest  that   the
opposition this:that is neutralized in this position, even  though  this
seems rather unlikely, given the adjectival system.
      But there is another point.  It  is  in  fact  difficult  to  identify
occurrences of /ej/ as demonstratives with any certainty, because the  form
is identical with that of  the  personal  pronoun  /ej/  (Standard  English
they or them).
      We may observe at this point that in the  dialect,  the  third  plural
personal pronoun forms are /ej/ and /?m/. The first form  is  used  in  all
stressed positions and as unstressed subject  except  in  inverted  Q-forms;
the second is used as the unstressed  non-subject,  and  as  the  unstressed
subject in inverted Q-forms. Thus we find:
      /ej/
      I had to show the pony but they winned the cups.
      I could chuck they about.
      Thats up to they, they know what theym about of.
      Theyd take em back of your door for half-a-crown.
      /?m/
      They expect to have a name to the house, dont em?
      Where do em get the tools to?
      That was as far as ever they paid em.
      I stayed there long with em for more than a year.
      When considering /ej/, we find a series of  utterances  such  as  the
following in which a division between personal  and  demonstrative  pronouns
would be largely arbitrary.
      I could throw em. chuck they about.
      They in towns, they go to concerts,
      Us finished up with they in ...
      They do seven acres a day, now, with they.
      There is they that take an interest in it.
      I could cut in so straight (as) some of they that never do it.
      Although, following the system of Standard English,  we  have  so  far
differentiated between /ej/ as a stressed personal pronoun and /ej/  as  a
demonstrative pronoun, it is  clearly  more  economical,  in  terms  of  the
dialectal material, to consider the two functions as coalescing  within  one
system: STRESSED /ej/; UNSTRESSED /?m/. This system would  operate  in  all
positions where Standard English would show either  a  third  person  plural
personal pronoun, or a plural demonstrative pronoun. Similarly, there  is  a
dialectal  system  STRESSED  /at/  UNSTRESSED  /it/  in  the  third  person
singular, where the referent is abstract  or  non-specific,  in  that  /at/
never occurs unstressed nor /it/ stressed. Thus  in  contrast  to  the  last
example above, we find:
      I seed some of em that never walked a mile in their lives,
where the form /?m/ is unstressed. (Such unstressed examples are much  rarer
than stressed examples in positions where  Standard  English  would  show  a
demonstrative  pronoun  simply  because  those  is  normally  stressed  in
Standard English.)
      We should note finally, however, that this analysis  of  the  material
does not in any way explain the absence of  a  plural  pronoun  /ejz/,  any
more than the linking of /at/  with  /it/  precludes  the  existence  of  a
singular demonstrative pronoun /i:z/. The  non-existence  of  /ejz/  as  a
pronoun seems best considered as an accidental gap  in  the  corpus.  (18,
p.20 )

                                 3.6 Verbs.
      - In the south-western dialects in the singular and in the plural  in
        Present Indefinite the ending -s or -es is used, if the Subject
        is expressed as
a noun.
      e.g. Boys as wants more mun ask.
             The other ehaps works hard.
      - In Devonshire -th [] is added to verbs in the plural in  Present
        Indefinite.
      - The form am (m) of the verb to be is used after  the  personal
        pronouns:
      e.g. We (wem = we are) (Somersetshire)
             you, they
      - After the words if, when, until,  after  Future  Indefinite
        sometimes used.
      - The Perfect form in affirmative sentences, in which the Subject  is
        expressed as a personal  pronoun,  is  usually  built  without  the
        auxiliary verb have:
      e.g. We done it.
             I seen him.
             They been and taken it.
      - The negation in the south-western dialects is  expressed  with  the
        adding of the negative particle not in  the  form  -na  to  the
        verb.
      e.g. comesna (comes not)
            winna (= will not)
            sanna (= shall not)
            canna (= cannot)
            maunna (= must not)
            sudna (= should not)
           dinna (= do not)
           binna (= be not)
           haena (= have not)
           daurna (= dare not)
      - It is typical  to  the  south-western  dialects  to  use  too  many
        nigotiations in the same phrase:
      e.g. I yint seen nobody nowheres.
      I dont want to have nothing at all to say to you.
      I didnt mean no harm.
      Yell better jist nae detain me nae langer.
      - The negative and interrogative forms of the modal verbs  are  built
        with the help of the auxiliary verb do.
      e.g. He did not ought to do it.
            You do not ought to hear it.
      - Some verbs which  are  regular  in  the  Standard  language  become
        irregular in the south-western dialects:
      e.g. dive - dave, help - holp
      - Sometimes the ending -ed is added to some irregular verbs in  the
        Past Simple:
      e.g. bear - borned, begin - begunned, break - broked, climb - clombed,

            dig - dugged, dive - doved, drive - droved, fall - felled,  find
      -
            funded, fly - flewed, give -  gaved,  grip  -  grapped,  hang  -
      hunged,
            help - holped, hold - helded, know - knewed, rise - rosed, see -

            sawed, shake - shooked, shear - shored, sing - sunged, sink -
            sunked, spin - spunned,  spring  -  sprunged,  steal  -  stoled,
      strive -
            stroved, swear - swored, swim - swammed, take - tooked, tear -
            tored, wear - wored, weave - woved, write - wroted.
      - But some irregular verbs in the  Past  Simple  Tense  are  used  as
        regular:
      e.g. begin - beginned (Western Som., Dev.)
             bite - bited (W. Som.)
             blow - blowed (Dev.)
             drink - drinked (W. Som.)
             drive - drived (Dev.)
             fall - falled (W. Som., Dev.)
             fight - fighted (W. Som.)
             fall - falled (Som., Dev.)
             go - gade (Dev.)
             grow - growed (W. Som.)
             hang - hanged (W. Som.)
             lose - losed (W. Som., Dev.)
             ring - ringed (W. Som.)
             speak - speaked (Som.)
             spring - springed (W. Som., Dev.)
- Many verbs form the Past Participle with the help of the ending -n.
      e.g. call - callen
             catch - catchen
             come - comen
      - In some cases in the  Past  Participle  a  vowel  in  the  root  is
        changed, and the suffix is not added.
      e.g. catch - [k  t?]
             hit - [a:t]
             lead - [la:d]
      - In the south-western dialects intransitive verbs have the ending -
        y [?].
      - In Western Somersetshire before the infinitive in the  function  of
        the adverbial modifier of purpose for is used:
      e.g. Hast gotten a bit for mend it with? (= Have you got  anything  to
      mend it with?)

                                3.7 Adverbs.
      - In the south-western dialects an adjective is used instead  of  the
        adverb.
      e.g. You might easy fall.
      - To build the comparative degree far is used instead of further;
        laster instead of  more lately.
      - The suparative degree: farest; lastest; likerest; rathest.
     a) The adverbs of place:
        abeigh [?b?x] - at some distance
        abune, aboon - above
        ablow - under
        ben, benn - inside
        outbye [utba?] - outside
        aboot - around
        hine, hine awa - far
        ewest - near
b) The adverbs of the mode of action:
        hoo, foo - how
        weel - great
        richt - right
        ither - yet
        sae - so
c) The adverbs of degree:
        much
      e.g. How are you today? - Not much, thank you.
           much is also used in the meaning of wonderfully
         e.g. It is much you boys cant let alone they there ducks.
                    It was much he hadnt a been a killed.
           rising
           rising is often used in the meaning of nearly
      e.g. How old is the boy? - Hes rising five.
- fell, unco, gey, huge, fu, rael are used  in  the  meaning  of
very.
- ower, owre [aur] - too
- maist - nearly
- clean - at all
- that - so
- feckly - in many cases
- freely - fully
- naarhan, nighhan - nearly
- han, fair - at all
d) Adverbs of time:
          whan, fan - when
          belive, belyve - now
             yinst - at once
          neist - then
          fernyear - last year
          afore (= before)
      e.g. Us can wait avore you be ready, sir.
          next - in some time
      e.g. next day = the day after tomorrow
          while = till, if
      e.g. Youll never make any progress while you listen to me.
             You have to wait while Saturday.
       3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects of South-West
                                  England.
      One of the most important aspects of studying south-western English is
dialect syntax. So, the article by  Jean-Marc  Gachelin  can  give  us  much
information about transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of  South-
West England.
      Wakelin has pointed out that syntax is  an  unwieldy  subject  which
dialectologists have fought shy of. This brushing aside of  dialect  syntax
is regrettable because the study of grammatical variation can shed light  on
the workings of any language, and thereby enrich  general  linguistics.  The
present chapter deals with an area  of  dialect  syntax  -  transitivity  in
south-west of England dialects - and attempts to characterize  and  explain,
synchronically and diachronically, its salient features.
      We prefer the moderation of Kilby, who simply admits that  the  notion
of direct object (DO)  is  not  at  all  transparent  in  its  usage.  The
problem, therefore, should be not so much to discard but rather  to  improve
our  notions  of  transitivity  and  intransitivity.  In  this  regard,  the
dialects of South-west England are important and interesting.
      1. A description of transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of
South-west England.
      When  compared  with  the   corresponding   standard   language,   any
geographical variety may be characterized by three possibilities:
      (a)  identity;  (b)  archaism  (due  to  slower  evolution);  and  (c)
innovation. Interestingly enough, it is not uncommon in syntax for  (b)  and
(c) to combine if a given dialect draws extensively on  a  secondary  aspect
of  an  older  usage.  This  is  true  of  two  features  which  are  highly
characteristic of the  South-west  and  completely  absent  in  contemporary
Standard English.
      1.1  Infinitive + y
      One of these characteristics is mentioned  by  Wakelin,  the  optional
addition of the -y ending to the infinitive of any  real  intransitive  verb
or any transitive verb not followed by a DO,  namely  object-deleting  verbs
(ODVs) and ergatives. The use of this  ending  is  not  highlighted  in  the
Survey of English Dialects (SED, Orton and Wakelin). It is only  indirectly,
when reading about relative pronouns,  that  we  come  upon  There  iddn  (=
isnt) many (who) can sheary now, recorded in  Devon  (Orton  and  Wakelin).
However,  Widen  gives  the  following  examples  heard  in  Dorset:  farmy,
flickery, hoopy (to call), hidy, milky, panky (to pant), rooty  (talking
of a pig), whiny. Three of these verbs are strictly intransitive  (ftickery,
panky,  whiny),  the  others  being  ODVs.   Wright   also   mentions   this
characteristic, chiefly in connection with Devon, Somerset and Dorset.
      In the last century, Barnes made use of the -y ending  in  his  Dorset
poems, both when the infinitive appears after to:
      reky = rake
      skimmy
      drashy = thresh
      reely
and after a modal (as in the example from the SED):
      Mid (= may) happy housen smoky round/The church.
      The cat veil zick an woulden mousy.
      But infin.+y can also be found after do (auxiliary), which  in  South-
west dialects is more than a more signal of verbality, serving as a tense-
marker as well as a person-marker (do everywhere except for dost, 2nd  pers.
sing.). Instead of being emphatic,  this  do  can  express  the  progressive
aspect or more often the durative-habitual (= imperfective) aspect,  exactly
like the imperfect of Romance languages. Here  are  a  few  examples  culled
from Barness poems:
      Our merry shepes did jumpy.
      When I do pitchy, tis my pride (meaning of the verb, cf pitch-fork).
      How ga the paths be where we do strolly.
Besides ODVs and intransitive verbs, there is also an ergative:
      doors did slammy.
In the imperative, infin. -y only appears with a negative:
      dont sobby!
      The optional use of the -y ending is an advantage  in  dialect  poetry
for metre or rhyme:
      Vor thine wull peck, an mine wull grubby (rhyming with snubby)
And this ending probably accounts for a phonetic peculiarity  of  South-west
dialects, namely the apocope of to arguy (the former  dialect  pronunciation
of to argue), to carry and to empty, reduced to to arg, to car and to  empt.

      In the grammatical part of his Glossary of the Dorset Dialect,  Barnes
insists on the aspectual connection between do and infin.+y:
      Belonging to this use  of  the  free  infinitive  y-ended  verbs,  is
another kindred one, the showing of a repetition or habit of doing  as  How
the dog do jumpy, i-e keep jumping. The child do like  to  whippy,  amuse
himself with whipping. Idle chap, hell do nothen  but  vishy,  (spend  his
time in fishing), if you do leve en alwone. He do  markety,  he  usually
attends market.
      Barnes also quotes a work by Jennings in which this South-west feature
was also described:
      Another peculiarity is that of attaching to many of the common  verbs
in the infinitive  mode  as  well  as  to  some  other  parts  of  different
conjugations, the letter -y. Thus it is very common to say I  cant  sewy,
I cant nursy, he cant reapy, he cant sawy, as well as to  sewy,  to
nursy, to reapy, to sawy, etc; but never, I  think,  without  an  auxiliary
verb, or the sign of the infinitive to.
      Barnes claimed, too, that the collocation of infin. +y and the DO  was
unthinkable: We may say, Can ye zewy? but never Wull ye zewy  up  these
zam? Wull ye zew up these zam would be good Dorset.
      Elworthy also mentions the opposition heard in Somerset between  I  do
dig the garden and Every  day,  I  do  diggy  for  three  hours  (quoted  by
Jespersen and  by  Rogers).  Concerning  the  so-called  free  infinitive,
Wiltshire-born Rogers comments that it is little heard now, but was  common
in the last century, which tallies with the lack of examples  in  the  SED.
(This point is also confirmed by Itialainen) Rogers is  quite  surprised  to
read of a science-fiction play (BBC, 15 March 1978)  entitled  Stargazy  in
Zummerland, describing a future world in which the population  was  divided
between industrial and agricultural workers, the latter probably using  some
form of south-western speech,  following  a  time-honoured  stage  tradition
already perceptible in King Lear (disguised as a rustic, Edgar speaks  broad
Somerset).
      To sum up, after to, do (auxiliary), or a modal, the  formula  of  the
free infinitive is
      intr. V > infin. + -y/0
where intr. implies genuine intransitives, ODVs and even ergatives.  As  a
dialect-marker, -y is now on the wane, being gradually replaced by 0 due  to
contact with Standard English.
      1.2 Of + DO
      The other typical feature of south-western dialects is  not  mentioned
by Wakelin, although it stands out much more clearly in the SED  data.  This
is the optional use of o/ov (occasionally on)  between  a  transitive  verb
and its DO. Here are some of the many examples. Stripping the  feathers  off
a dead chicken (Orton and Wakelin) is called:
      pickin/pluckin ov it (Brk-loc. 3);
      trippin o en (= it) (D-loc. 6);
      pickin o en (Do-loc. 3);
      pluckin(g) on en - (W-loc. 9; Sx-loc. 2).
      Catching fish, especially trout, with ones hand (Orton  and  Wakelin)
is called:
      ticklin o/ov em (= them) (So-loc. 13; W-loc. 2, 8; D-loc. 2, 7, 8; Do-
loc. 2-5; Ha-loc. 4);
      gropin o/ov em (D-loc. 4, 6);
      ticklin on em (W-loc. 3, 4; Ha-loc. 6; Sx-loc. 3);
      tickle o em (Do-loc. l) (note the absence of -in(g)).
      The confusion between of and on is frequent in dialects, but  although
on  may  occur  where  of  is  expected,  the  reverse  is  impossible.  The
occasional use of on instead of of is  therefore  unimportant.  What  really
matters is the occurrence of of, o or ov between a transitive verb and  the
DO. The presence of the -in(g) ending should also attract our attention:  it
occurs in all the examples except tickle o em, which is exceptional  since,
when the SED informants used an infinitive in their  answers,  their  syntax
was  usually  identical  with  that  of  Standard  English,  ie  without  of
occurring before the DO: glad to see you, (he wants to) hide it  (Orton  and
Wakelin).
      Following  Jespersen,  Lyons  makes   a   distinction   between   real
transitives  (/  hit  you:  action  >  goal)  and  verbs  which   are   only
syntactically transitives (/ hear you: goal < action). It  is  a  pity  that
the way informants were asked questions for the SED (What  do  we  do  with
them? - Our eyes/ears) does not enable us to  treat  the  transitive  verbs
see Orton and Wakelin and hear (Orton and Wakelin) other than as ODVs.
      The use of of as an operator between a transitive verb and its DO  was
strangely enough never described by Barnes, and is casually dismissed as  an
otiose of by the authors of the SED, even though  nothing  can  really  be
otiose in any language system. Rogers points out that  Much  more  widely
found formerly, it is now confined to sentences where the  pronouns  en,  it
and em are  the  objects.  This  is  obvious  in  the  SED  materials,  as,
incidentally, it is in these lines by Barnes:
      To work all day a-meken ha/Or pitchen ot.
      Nevertheless, even if his usage is in conformity with present  syntax,
it is important to add that, when Barnes was alive, o/ov could  precede  any
DO (a-meken ov ha would equally have been possible). What should  also  be
noted in his poetry is the  extremely  rare  occurrence  of  o/ov  after  a
transitive verb with no -en (= -ing) ending,  which,  as  we  just  saw,  is
still very rare in modern speech:
      Zoo I dont mind o leven it to-morrow.
      Zoo I dont mind o leven ot to-morrow.
      The second line shows a twofold occurrence of o after two  transitive
verbs, one with and one without -en.
      This -en ending can be a marker of  a  verbal  noun,  a  gerund  or  a
present participle (as part of a progressive aspect form  or  on  its  own),
and o may follow in each case.
      VERBAL NOUN
      My own a-decken ov my own (my own way of dressing my darling).
      This is the same usage as in  Standard  English  he  doesnt  like  my
driving of his car.
      GERUND
       That wer vor hetten on (that was for hitting him).
      . . . little chance/O catchen on.
      I  be never the better vor zee-en o you.
      The addition of o to a gerund is optional: Vor grinden any  corn  vor
bread is similar to Standard English.
      PROGRESSIVE ASPECT
      As I wer readen ov a stwone (about a headstone).
Rogers gives two examples of the progressive aspect:
      I be stackin on em up.
      I were a-peeling of the potatoes (with a different spelling).
      PRESENT PARTICIPLE ON ITS OWN
      To vind me stannen in the cwold, / A-keepen up o Chrismas.
      After any present participle, the use of o is also optional:
      Where vok be out a-meken ha.
      The general formula is thus:
      trans. V > V + o/0
which can also be read as
      MV (main verb) > trans. V + o/0 + DO.
Here, o stands for o (the most common form), ov  and  even  on.  In  modem
usage, the DO, which could be a noun or noun  phrase  in  Barness  day  and
age, appears from the SED materials to be restricted to  personal  pronouns.
For modern dialects, the formula thus reads:
      MV > trans. V + o/0 + pers. pron.
      The o  is  here  a  transitivity  operator  which,  exactly  like  an
accusative ending in a language with case  declensions,  disappears  in  the
passive. Consequently, the  phenomenon  under  discussion  here  has  to  be
distinguished from that of prepositional verbs, which require the  retention
of the preposition in the passive:
      We have thought of all the possible snags. >
      All the possible snags have been thought of.
The use of o as a transitivity operator  in  active  declaratives  is  also
optional, which  represents  another  basic  difference  from  prepositional
verbs.
      Exactly the same opposition, interestingly enough, applies  in  south-
western dialects also:
      [1] He is (a-) eten o cekes > What is he (a-) eten?
      [2] He is (a-) dremen ocekes > What is he (a-) dremen ov?
      What remains a preposition in [1] and [2] works as the link between  a
transitive verb and its DO. The compulsory deletion of the  operator  o  in
questions relating to the DO demonstrates the importance here  of  the  word
order (V + o + DO), as does also the  similar  triggering  of  deletion  by
passives.
      Though now used in a more restricted way, ie before personal  pronouns
only, this syntactic feature is better  preserved  in  the  modern  dialects
than   the
-y ending of intransitive verbs, but, in so far as it is only  optional,  it
is easy to detect the growing influence of Standard English.
      2. Diachrony as an explanation of these features.
      Although the above description has not been purely  synchronic,  since
it  cites  differences  in  usage  between  the  nineteenth  and   twentieth
centuries, it is actually only by looking back at  even  earlier  stages  of
the language that we can gain any clear insights into why the dialects  have
developed in this way.
      Both  Widen  and  Wakelin  remind  us  that  the  originally  strictly
morphological -y ending has since developed into a syntactic feature. It  is
a survival of the Middle English infinitive ending -ie(n), traceable to  the
-ian suffix of the second class of Old English weak verbs (OE milcian  >  ME
milkie(n) > south-west dial. milky). Subsequently, -y has been  analogically
extended to other types  of  verbs  in  south-west  dialects  under  certain
syntactic conditions: in the absence of any DO, through sheer  impossibility
(intransitive verb) or due to the speakers choice (ODV  or  ergative).  The
only survival of medieval usage is the impossibility of  a  verb  form  like
milky being anything other than an infinitive.  Note  that  this  cannot  be
labelled an archaism, since the standard  language  has  never  demonstrated
this particular syntactic specialization.
      So far no explanation seems to have been advanced for  the  origin  of
otiose of, and yet it is fairly easy to resort to diachrony  in  order  to
explain this syntactic feature. Let us  start,  however,  with  contemporary
Standard English:
      [3] They sat, singing a shanty. (present participle on its own)
      [4] They are singing a shanty. (progressive aspect)
      [5] I like them/their singing a shanty. (gerund)
      [6] I like their singing of a shanty. (verbal noun)
Here [5] and [6] are considered nominalizations from a synchronic  point  of
view. As far as [4] is concerned, Barnes reminds his  readers  that  the  OE
nominalization ic waes on hunlunge (I was in the process  of  hunting,  cf
Aelfrics Colloquim: fui in. venatione)  is  the  source  of  modern  /  was
hunting, via an older structure I was (a-) hunting  which  is  preserved  in
many dialects, the optional verbal prefix  a-  being  what  remains  of  the
preposition on.
      The nominal nature of V-ing is still well established  in  the  verbal
noun (with the use of of in particular), and it is here that  the  starting-
point of a chain reaction lies.  Hybrid  structures  (verbal  nouns/gerunds)
appeared as early as Middle English, as in
      bi puttyng forth of whom so it were (1386 Petition of Mercers)
and similar gerunds followed by of were still a possibility  in  Elizabethan
English:
      Rend not my heart for naming of my Christ (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus)
together with verbal nouns not followed by any of:
      ... as the putting him clean out of his humour (B. Jonson,  Every  Man
out of his Humour).
      Having been extended from the verbal  noun  to  the  gerund,  of  also
eventually  spread  to  the  progressive  aspect  in   the   sixteenth   and
seventeenth centuries, at a time when the V-ing + of  sequence  became  very
widespread in Standard English:
      Are you crossing of yourself? (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus).
      He is hearing of a cause (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure).
      She is taking of her last farewell (Bunyan, The Pilgims Progress).
      However, what is definitely an archaism in Standard English  has  been
preserved in south-western dialects, which have gone even further  and  also
added an optional o to the present participle used on  its  own  (ie  other
than in the progressive aspect). Moreover, there is even a tendency,  as  we
have seen, to use o after a  transitive  verb  without  the  -en  (=  -ing)
ending. This tendency, which remains slight, represents the  ultimate  point
of a chain reaction that can be portrayed as follows:
                   Use of o in the environment following:
                         (A)                     (B)                     (C)
                    (D)
      verbal noun > gerund          > be + V-ing    > pres. part.     > V
                                                     V-ing
      (A) evolution from Middle English to the Renaissance;
      (B) evolution typical of English  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth
centuries;
      (C) evolution typical of south-western dialects;
      (D) marginal tendency in south-western dialects.
      The dialect usage is more than a mere  syntactic  archaism:  not  only
have the south-western dialects preserved stages (A) and (B); they are  also
highly innovative in stages (C) and (D). (18, p.218)



                               4. Vocabulary.
      Devonshire (Dev)
      Somersetshire (Som)
      Wiltshire (Wil)
      Cornwall (Cor)
                                      A
      Abroad - adj , ,  ;   ,
 ; ,  ( ):  The  potatoes  are
abroad. The sugar is gone abroad.
      Addle, Udall, Odal (Dev) -  v  ,  ,  ,
; ( )  ,    [gu.  ola,  .  olask  -
 (), oal - ]
      Ail (Wil, Dev) - n  ()
      Aller (Dev) - n , ;  : Suke died  acause  her
aller wanted letting.
      Answer  (Som)  -  v  ,    (        ,
 ); : That there poplar ont never  answer  out  of
doors, tll be  a  ratted  in  no  time;  ~  to:      -,
  -: Clay land easily answers to bones.
      Any () - adj, adv, pron: any bit like -  ,  ,
 ( , , ): Ill come and see  thee  tomorrow
if its only any-bit-like; any more than - ;   :  Hes  sure  to
come any more than he might be a bit late. I should be sure to go to  school
any more than Ive not got a gownd to my back.
      Attle (Cor) - n , 
                                      B
      Bach, Batch, Bage  (Som)  -  n  ,  ;  ,    
 ; ;   ,   
      Bad (Wil) - n    
      Badge (Wil) - v   ,   
      Balch (Dev, Cor) - n  , 
      Bam (Cor) - n , , : Its nowt but a bam.
               (Wil, Som) - n ,  ,  

      Ban (Som) - v ; 
      Bannock (Wil, Som, Dev) - n  /        

      Barge (Dev) - n ; v , 
      Barney (Som) - n , ; ; ;   
, 
      Barton (Wil, Dev, Som, Cor) - n  ;  
    ;  
      Barvel (Cor) - n      ,      
;   
      Bate (Som, Dev) - n   ,    ;    v
, 
      Beagle, Bogle (Dev) - n ; ;    ,

      Beet, Boot (Cor) - v , , ; 
      Besgan, Biscan,  Vescan  (Cor)  -  n    ;  

      Big (Som, Cor) - adj , : Smith and Brown are  very
big; v ; v ( up) ,  ( );   ,
 (  )
      Bogzom (Dev) - adj -; : Ya ha made ma chucks bugzom.
      Bribe (Wil) - v , ; , : She terrible
bribed I.
      Brindled (Som) - ppl adj , 
      Bruick-boil (Dev) - v ;   ( )
      Bunt (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v  
               (Wil) - n  
      Buss, boss (Wil, Dev, Cor) - n 
      But (Som) - n  ( )
             (Cor) - v  (): Ive butted my thumb.
                                      C
      Cab (Som, Dev, Cor) - n  ,  -  ,    
 (adj cabby); v 
      Cad (Som) - n      (,   .);  pl
 ; ,  
      Call (Som) - v , 
      Cam (Cor) - n  ; adj ; 
      Casar (Dev, Cor) - n ; v 
      Caw (Dev) - v   ; n 
      Cawk (Som) - v , 
      Chack (Dev, Cor) - adj ppl  chackt,  chacking  -    ;

      Cheap (Som) - adj . be cheap on -      -

      Chill (Dev, Som) - v    ();  chilled  water  -
 
      Chilver (Wil, Som) - n 
      Chissom (Wil, Som, Dev) -  n  ,    ();  v  
, 
      Chuck (Som, Dev) - n   , , 
      Clib (Dev, Cor) - v ; , 
      Clivan, Clevant, Callyvan, Vant (Som) - n     :  You  be
like a wren in a clivan.
      Clock (Som) - n 
      Coath (Som, Dev) - n    ; v   
      Cob (Cor) - n   
      Cold (Som, Dev, Wil, Cor) - to catch cold -    ;  to  cast
the cold of  a  thing  -        -    
; cold cheer - ; cold hand -     
 ; cold lady -     
      Colley (Wil) - n , ;  
      Colt (Wil) - n ; v  ( )
      Cooch (Coochy) (Dev, Cor) - n ; adj 
      Cook (Som) - v ; , 
      Coose (Dev, Cor) - v ; 
      Cotton (Som, Dev) - v , 
      Cowerd (Wil, Som) - adj  ( )
      Crib (Dev, Cor) - n ; v 
      Crowd (Som, Dev, Cor) - n 

                                      D
      Dain (Wil) - adj   
      Dare (Wil, Som, Dev) - v   , ; ; 
      Dawk (Wil, Som) -  n  ;  v  ;    (  );  adj
; v    
      Denshire (Wil, Dev) - v       
      Dey (Wil)  - n ,    
      Dool (Dev) - n   ( );  ( ); ,
        ;    ;  v    (
); ( off) ,  , 
      Downy (Som) - adj , ;   , 
      Drill  (Dev)  -  v      ;  ,  ;
;  -    
      Dupl (= do up) (Wil) - v ; , ;  
      Dwall (Som, Dev) - v ,  ; n  
      Dwam (Dev) - n ;  
                                      E
      Ear (Wil, Som) - v  
      Easse (Wil, Som) - n  
      Elt, Hilt (Som, Dev) - n  
      Eve (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v ,  ; 
      Evil (Dev, Cor) - n    ; ; v  
                                      F
      Fadge (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ,       :
They dont fadge well together; ; ;   -
,  ;   , ; n    ;  ,  ;
  -
      Fady (Dev, Cor) - adj 
      Fage (Som) - v , ; 
      Fain (Dev) - v   (  : Fain it! !;  adj
, ; adv ; n ( )  
      Farewell (Wil, Som, Dev) - n  :  The  butter  leaves  a  clammy
farewell in the mouth.
      Favour (Dev) - v , 
      Fawny (Dev) - n 
      Feat (Wil, Dev) - adj   (      );
; ; 
      Feer (Wil) - v     ; n 
      Fenny, Vinny (Wil) - adj  
      Fitten (Wil, Som) - n , ; , 
      Flag (Wil, Dev) - n  
      Flaw (Dev, Cor) - n   
      Flawn, Flome (Dev) - n , ;  ,   
 ;      
      Fleck (Som) - n ;   ;   
      Flue (Wil)  -  adj  ,  ,  ;  ;    (
); , 
      Fly (Som) - adj 
      Fogger (Wil) - n ; ,   , 
      Framp (Som, Dev) - adj ( : framp-shaken; framp-shapen)
, 
      Frape (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ; 
      Fur (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , ;   ; ,
   : Ive nobbut a shillin to fur tweek on with.
      Furcom, Fircom (Wil, Som) - n , ,  - ;
pl   : Ill tell ee all the fircoms ont.
                                      G
      Gaff (Dev) - n  ;    ;      
; , 
      Gale (Som, Dev, Cor) - n    -, 
      Glam (Dev) - n 
      Gout (Cor), Gutt - n ;  -; adj Gouty - ,
 
      Graft (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - n ,     ;  

      Great (Dev) - adj   : The glass is great  enough.  His
brother is  great  and  strong;  ,      :  My
brother is very great with the  lad;  great  folks  -    ;  adv
: great foul, great likely, great mich, a  great  high  wall;  
: great-work; work by the great
                                      H
      Hackle (Wil) - n ;   ;    ;  v  
 ( )
      Hag(g) (Som, Wil, Dev) - v  ,  ;  ;  n
, ;  
      Halsen (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ;  
      Hange (Som, Dev, Cor) - n  (, , ) -
 
      Harl(e) (Som) - v , ; ;  
      Hathe (Som) - n   ,  ;  be  in  a  hathe  -  
     
      Hathern (Som) - n : I first catched a hold othe  hathern  so  I
jissy saved I.
      Havage (Dev, Cor) - n , 
      Hearst (Som, Dev) - n   
      Hile (Som) - n  ,  ; v ( ) ;

      Hint (Wil) - v , ;
              (Som) - v , 
      Ho, Hoe, How (Som) -  v      -;  ,  
  -,   -
      Hocksy (Wil), . OXY - adj   ,  
      Hog (Dev) - n  (   ),      
    ; 
      Hoggan (Cor)  -  n        (.  Fuggan,  Hobban);  

      Holiday (Cor), Holliday - n ,    
  -,  
      Hope (Som) - n   ; ,    
,  .: ; 
      Horry, Howery (Som, Dev) - adj , ; 
      Hound (Som) - n pl     
      Hovel, Hobble (Som) - v  ,      ;  
       ; n : He got a good hovel.
      How (Dev) - n  
      Hug (Som) - n ; v ,  (- )
      Huss (Som) - v    -
                                      I
      Ignorant (Wil, Som) - adj : I thought it  would  look  so
ignorant to stop you.
      Inkle (Dev, Cor) - n     (   ,
)
                                      J
      Jack (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - v ,  (), 
      Jail (Cor) - v  
      Jimmy (Som) - adj , ; ;  
                                      K
      Keech (Wil, Som) -  v    (    ,  );
 ( ); n   (, )
      Keeve (Som, Dev, Cor) - n  
      Keffel (Som) - n  (  );      ;
,  
      Kemps (Som) - n       
      Kern (Dev, Som, Cor) - v  ( );  
      Kibbit (Dev, Cor) - n , 
      Kindle (Som) - v (  ,  ) 

                                      L
      Lag (Cor) - v  
      Lammock (Cor) - n 
      Lart (Som, Dev) - n  (        );

      Lashing (Dev, Cor) - n pl (. Lashings and Lavins)  
-; adj , 
      Law (Som, Dev) - n ; ;  ; v   
      Leap (Som) - n  
      Lear (Dev, Som) - adj 
      Let, Lat (Wil, Som,  Cor)  -  v  ,  ,    ;
; n , : without let or hindrance
      Letch (Som, Dev) - n  ; 
      Letting - adj ( ) 
      Lewth (Wil, Som, Dev) - n ; ,   
      Lewze, Looze (Som, Dev) - n  
      Lich (Som, Dev) - n 
      Lidden (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ;  
      Lide (Wil, Cor) - n  
      Lig, Liggan (Cor) - n   ;        
 
      Linch (Dev, Cor) - v 
      Lissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n   -; 
      Litten (Wil, Som) - n 
      Lock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n      -,  

      Lodden (Cor) - n ,  
      Log (Dev, Cor) - v , 
      Loker (Dev) - n 
      Lourve, Luffer, Loover (Som) - n ,  
      Low (Dev) - n ; 
                                      M
      Mang (Wil, Som, Dev) - v 
      Maskel (Som, Dev) - n  ;   
      Masker (Dev) - v  : He got maskered  ithe  snow-storm
othe hill;  ;  ,  :  He  coughs  sometimes
like as if hed masker; ; 
      Maxim (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ,  : Ive  tried  every
sort o maxims wi un, but  I  cant  make-n  grow;  pl  ,  ;  v
: I zeed min maximin about in the fiel.
      Magzard (Som, Dev, Cor) - n    
      Meech (Som, Dev) - v   (about);  ,
     ;  ;  ,    ;

      Meet (Dev) - adj , , 
      Ment (Som) - v    -:  He  ments  his  father;  n

      Mickle (Wil) - adj, adv 
      Mickled (Dev) - ppl:  mickled  with  cold  -      ;
,    (, )
      Mock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n   ( ),   ;  adv
Mocking - , : I think, sir, that we had better  put  in
them plants mocking; v   : The black  squares  on
a chess-board mock each other.
      Mog(g) (Som) - v ; ;   
      Mogue (Som) - v ; 
      Mole (Som) - n ; 
      Moot (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v , ;   -

      Mop   (Wil)   -   n   ,               
 ;  
      More (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) -  n        ;  ;
, , ;  v    (  );  ,
  
      Mort (Som, Dev, Cor) - n  , 
      Mugget (Som, Dev, Cor) - n   
      Mungy (Cor) - adj ( )   ; ( ) 
      Muryan (Cor) - n 
                                      N
      Nammet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n  (  ); 
      Naty (Dev, Cor) - adj ( ) , , 
      Neck (Som, Dev, Cor) - n     
      Neive (Dev) - n ,  
      Nim (Som, Dev) - v ; , 
      Nitch (Wil, Som, Dev) - n  (, , ); ; 
      Noil (Som) - n    ,      ;  
, 
      Nool (Cor) - v ; Nooling - n 
      Northering (Som, Dev) - ppl, adj  ( );      ,

      Not (Som, Dev) - adj ,    ( );  Notted  -

                                      O
      Oast, East (Dev) - n    ;     
 
      Oaze, Hose (N-W Dev) - n pl 
      Oddy, Hoddy (Wil) - adj , , 
      Old (Dev) - adj , , , : auld to do =
a great fass, auld wark -  ; old doing = great  sport,  great  feasting,
an uncommon display of hospitality; a  pratty  old  tap  =  a  great  speed;
, ;  (): He looked very old  about  it.  The
child was little and old; , : Hes too  old  for  you.  He
looked very old at me = he looked very  knowingly  (distrustfully,  angrily,
askance) at me.
      Ollet, Elet (Wil) - n    ,   
      Orch, Horch (Dev) - v 
      Ore (Dev, Cor) - n  ; ,    

      Orrel (Cor) - n  , 
                                      P
      Paise (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v  (  ); 
; 
      Pame (Som, Dev) - n  ; ,   
  
      Pancheon (Cor) - n    (  )
      Peach (Cor) - v  ( away); Peacher - n 
      Ped (Dev, Cor) - n , 
      Pelf (Dev, Cor) - n , ; , ;  (.)
      Peller (Cor) - n ; 
      Pilch (Som, Cor) - n () 
      Pind, Pindy (Som) - adj , 
      Play (Som) - v , : Didth pot play when  you  come?;  
; ~ in - ; ~ up - 
      Plim (Som, Dev) - v ,     ,  ;
adj 
      Plum (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v ;    (  );  adj  (
) 
      Polt (Wil) - v      ; n 
      Pomple (Som) - adj ,   ( )
      Pomster, Pompsy, Pounster (Som, Dev, Cor) - n  ;  v  
    : Dont pomster thyself.
      Pook (Wil, Som, Cor) - n , , ; v ;  ()
      Prill (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ,  ( ), 
( ,  ): a-prilled, a-pirled
      Punish (Dev) - v  , ; ;    :
His leg did punish  him  so.  I  punished  so  in  the  new  boots;  ,

      Pur (Som) - n 
      Put (Som, Cor, Dev, Wil) - v ;  - ; put
in - ; ,  ();    -;  put
out - , ;  put  to  (till)  -  ;  ;
; ; v 
                                      Q
      Quank (Wil) - v ; ; adj , 
      Quar (Som, Dev) - v ( ) ; 
      Quarrel (Dev, Som, Cor, Wil) - n  
      Queachy (Som) - adj , 
      Quilkin (Dev, Cor) - n , 
                                      R
      Rag (Dev) - n ; ;  
      Rake (Cor) - n , , ; ; ,  
    ;  
      Rally (Som, Dev) - v  , ; ,     ;
,  
      Rames (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) -  n  pl  ,  ;    
   
      Rane (Som, Dev) - n  (,  );   ()
      Rap (Som, Dev, Cor, Wil) - v ,   -; n 
      Rare (Som, Dev, Cor) -  adj    (  ,  );  ,

      Rawn (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v  ;    ;  
; rawned - adj 
      Ray (Som, Dev) - v ; ; ; 
      Read  (Som)  -  n          ;   
; v ; ; ; 
      Ream (Dev, Cor) - n 
      Rear (Wil, Dev, Cor) - adj ( ,  )  ,  ,
: Ah likes my  bacon  a  bit  rare;  (  )  ;  (
) 
      Rear-mouse (Wil, Som, Dev) - n  
      Reck (Som) - n  
      Reese (Cor) - v (  ) 
      Ridder, Riddle (Wil, Som, Cor) - n   ; v  
      Rind, Render, Rander, Rainder (Dev) - v    
      Roak(e) (Wil) - n ; ;  
      Rode (Cor) - n , , 
      Rose, Rouse (Som, Dev,  Cor)  -  v  ,    (  );
; n  ; 
      Rouse (Wil, Dev) - v 
      Rum  (Dev)  -  adj  ;  ;  adv  ,  ,   
 
                                      S
      Sam (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n, adj      
( ),   ( )
      Sammy (Wil) - adj ; ;  ; 
      Sang, Songle (Dev, Cor) - n  ;  
      Sawk (Dev, Cor) - n ,  
      Sax (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v 
      Scat, Scad (Dev, Cor) - n      ;  
(; ): a scat of fine weather
      Scorse (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ,  -
      Scovy (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj   , 
      Scoy (Cor) - adj , ; , 
      Scraw (Cor) - v      ;    

      Scrint (Com, Dev) - v ; ; 
      Scug (Cor) - n 
      Seam (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ,  ( )
      Sean (Dev, Cor) - n     
      Shape (Wil) - v , : We mun shape our way home; 
- , 
      Shippen (Som, Dev, Cor) - n   
      Shut (Wil, Som) - v   -;    ,
: He shut his addings in drink.
      Sim, Zim (Wil) - n     (        
)
      Skeel (Wil) - n  ; 
      Skeeling, Sheal, Shealing (Wil) - n 
      Skit (Cor) - n ; ; ; ; ; v 
 -;  ; ; 
      Slade (Som, Cor) - n ; ;  
      Slock (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , ; n  ,  ;
  
      Sloke (Dev) - v 
      Smarry (Dev) - n  
      Smoot, Smeut, Smoat, Smot, Smout, Smut, Smute (Som, Dev) - n = Smeuse;
v  ; ,  ( )
      Sober (Dev) - adj , ; ; , 
      Sowl (Dev) - v   ;  ; 
      Speer (Som) - v ;  (. at); ,  (. 
about, into, out);    
      Spell (Som) - n , ; v ; 
      Spend (Cor) - n , 
      Spur (Cor) - n   (a pure  spur,  a  bra  spur  -  
): She has been gon a bra spur.
      Stean (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n  
      Steg (Wil) - n ; ; ;  
      Stem (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n  ;   ()
      Stout (Wil, Som) - n 
      Strad (Som, Dev) - n pl  ,   , 
      Stub (Som, Dev) - n   ;    -:  He
lefn a good stub; v ,   
      Sull (Wil, Som, Dev) - n 
      Summer, Simmer (Wil, Som, Dev) - n ,  ,  ;

      Summering (Som, Dev) - n  
      Survey (Som, Dev, Cor) - n 
      Swale (Dev) - v 
                                      T
      Tallet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n      
  ; 
      Tave (Som) - v , , ;   ;
;  ; n  (   )
      Tease (Som) - v 
      Teel (Wil, Cor, Som, Dev) - v   -; :  tile
a gate;     ;   -
      Teen (Cor, Dev) - n 
      Tell (Som, Cor) - v , : Did you tell the clock when
it stuck?;  (  out, down):  They  must  tell  down  good  five
pounds;  ( - ): The  judge  told  a  man  for
hanging.
      Temporary, Tempery, Tempory (Som) - adj , , : My
clock - warks are gettin rather temporary. Yere a temporary creature.
      Temse (Wil) - n ; v , 
      Tetch (Som, Dev) - n ; ; Tetchy - adj  ;
( ) 
      Tewly   (Wil)   -   adj   ,   ,   ,    ;
,  ( )
      Thirl (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj , ; ; ( ) ,
 
      Throw (Som) - v , : Thick marell drow  a  good  colt;
  -; ,  ; , 
      Tie (Som, Cor) - n  ; 
      Tift (Dev) - v , 
      Till, Toll (Dev, Cor) - v , ;  (-)
      Tine (Wil, Som, Dev) - v ; 
      Trant (Som) - v  
      Trig  (Wil,  Som,  Dev,  Cor)  -  v  ,  ,  ,

      Truff (Som, Dev, Cor) - n 
      Twire (Wil) - v  
                                      U
      Unco (Wil) - n pl , 
      Ure (Cor) - n , 
                                      V
      Vair (Som, Dev, Cor) - n  ()
      Vlare (Som) - n , 
      Vreach (Som, Dev) - adj , 
                                      W
      Wairsh (Dev) - adj , ; ; 
      Wake (Wil) - n      ;   (pl)
      Wall (Som) - v 
      Wang (Som) - n  ; v ,  ( );  
 
      Want (Som, Cor, Wil, Dev) - n 
      Warth (Som) - n  (   ); 
      Wat (Cor) - n 
      Weel, Weil (Cor) - n      
      Wem, Wen (Cor) - n , ;   
      Went,  Vent,  Want,  Wint  (Som,  Cor,  Dev)  -   n   ,   ;
 ; v ;  ( ,   )
      Win (Som, Dev) - v  (, ,     .)    ;  n

      Wink (Cor) - n  
      Wride (Cor, Som, Dev) - v ( )     
 ; ; ; n 
                                      Y
      Yote (Wil, Som) - v , , ; ,  



                                Conclusions.
1. In considering the history and development of  the  English  language  we
may maintain that a regional variety of English is a  complex  of  regional
standard norms and dialects. We must admit, however, that  rural  dialects,
in the conservative sense of the word, are almost certainly dying out (e.g.
the Cornish language): increasing geographical mobility, centralization and
urbanization are undoubtedly factors in this  decline.  Owing  to  specific
ways of development, every regional variety is characterized by  a  set  of
features identical to a variety of English.
            In the United Kingdom RP is a unique national standard.
            About seventy or so years ago along with  regional  types  dozen
upon dozens of
            rural dialects co-existed side  by  side  in  the  country.  The
situation has greatly
            changed since  and specifically  after  the  Second  World  War.
Dialects survive for
            the most part in  rural   districts  and  England  is  a  highly
urbanized  country and has
            very few areas that are remote or difficult to access.  Much  of
the regional variation
           in  pronunciation  currently  to  be  found  in  the  country  is
gradually being lost. On the
           other hand, it is important  to  note  that  urban  dialects  are
undergoing  developments
           of a  new  type,  and  the  phonetic  differences  between  urban
varieties   seem to be on
           the increase.
           The United Kingdom is particular about accents, in the sense that
here attitudes and
            prejudices   many    people     hold     towards    non-standard
pronunciations   are    still
           very strong.
            Therefore  RP  has   always   been   and    still     is     the
prestigious   national   standard
           pronunciation, the so-called implicitly accepted social standard.
In spite of the   fact
           that RP speakers form a very  small  percentage  of  the  British
population,  it   has the
           highest status of British English pronunciation and is  genuinely
regionless.
2.  The  comparative  analysis  of  the  phonetic  system  of  the  regional
varieties  of  English  pronunciation  shows   the   differences   in   the
pronunciation in the system of consonant and vowel phonemes.
3. The comparative analysis of the grammar presents the  difference  between
the standard language and the dialects of the South-West of England.
      In conclusion we may say that the problems of  the  regional  dialects
      (its phonetic, grammar and lexical systems) open up  wide  vistas  for
      further investigations.
                          B I B L I O G R A P H Y.

1.    ..        :   
. ., 1988
2.  ..  .    
. ., 1980
3.    ..         
 . ., 1982
4. Allen B.H., Linn M.D. Dialect and language variation, Orlando, 1986
5. Brook G.L. English Dialects, Oxford Un. Press, 1963
6. Brook G.L. Varieties of English, Lnd, 1977
7. Cheshire J. Variation in an English  dialect.  A  sociolinguistic  study,
Cambridge Un. Press, 1982
8.  Crystal  D.  The  Cambridge  Encyclopedia  of  the   English   Language,
Cambridge, 1995
9. Encyclopedia Britannica CD 2000 Deluxe Edition
10. Gimson A.C. An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English, Lnd, 1981
11. Hughes and Trudgill, English accents and dialects:  An  introduction  to
social and regional varieties of British English, Lnd, 1979
12. Malmstrom J.,  Weaver  C  Transgrammar.  English  structure,  style  and
dialects, Brighton, 1973
13. Shaw G.B. Pygmalion, NY, 1994
14. Sheerin S., Seath J., White G. Spotlight on Britain, Oxford, 1990
15. Shopen T., Williams J.M. Standards and dialects in  English,  Cambridge,
1980
16. Trudgill P. On dialect: Social and  Geographical  Perspectives,  NY  and
Lnd, 1984
17. Trudgill P. Dialects in Contact, Oxford, 1986
18. Trudgill P., Chambers J.K. Dialects of English  Studies  in  grammatical
variation. Longman, 9
19. Wakelin M.F. Discovering English Dialects, Shire Publications LTD, 1978
      Dictionaries:
20. Hornby A.S. Oxford Advanced Learners  Dictionary  of  Current  English,
Oxford Un. Press, 1996
      Audio tapes analysed:
21. Accents, Glossa Melit, M., 2000
            TV program analysed:
22. Holiday in the Southwest, the channel Discovery, 2000



                                 3.
                               The Southwest.
      The principal industries here are farming and tourism. There are  some
very big farms, but most are small family farms  with  a  mixture  of  cows,
sheep and crops. The main emphasis is on dairy products - milk  and  butter.
On Exmoor and Dartmoor, two areas of higher land, conditions are  ideal  for
rearing sheep and beef-cattle.
      Industry is centered on three large ports: Bristol in the  north,  and
Portsmouth and Southampton in  the  south-east.  In  Bristol,  aircraft  are
designed and built. In Portsmouth and Southampton, the main  industries  are
shipbuilding and oil-refining.

                    1. Holiday time in the West Country.
      The countries of Devon, Cornwall and Somerset  are  often  called  the
West Country. They have always been popular with  holiday-makers,  so  there
are a large number of  hotels,  caravan  -  and  camping-sites  and  private
houses and farms which  offer  bed  and  breakfast.  There  is  a  beautiful
countryside, where people can get away from  it  all,  and  the  coastline
offers the best beaches  and  surfing  in  England.  Also,  the  weather  is
usually warmer than in the rest of the country.

                            2. West Country Food.
      The national drink of Devon is a cream tea. This consists of a pot  of
tea and scones served with strawberry jam and cream. The cream  is  not  the
same as that found in the rest of the country. It is called  clotted  cream,
and it is much thicker and  yellower  than  ordinary  cream.  And  there  is
another national dish called a Cornish pasty.
      Pasties used to be the main food of Cornish miners fishermen about 150
years ago, because they provided a convenient meal to  take  to  work.  They
were made of pastry which had either sweet or  savoury  fillings,  and  were
marked with the owners initials on one end. This was so that if he did  not
eat all his pasty at once he would know which one belonged to him!
      Somerset has always been famous for  its  cheeses.  The  most  popular
variety is probably Cheddar, which is a firm  cheese.  It  usually  has  a
rather mild flavour but if it is left to ripen, it tastes stronger,  and  is
sold in the shops as mature Cheddar. It takes its name from a small  town,
which is also,  a  beauty-spot  well-known  for  its  caves,  which  contain
stalagmites and stalactites.
      A West Country famous drink is Somerset cider or "Scrumpy"  as  it  is
called. Cider is made from apples and is sold all over the  United  Kingdom,
but scrumpy is much stronger, and usually has  small  pieces  of  the  fruit
floating in it.

                              3. Sightseeings.
      The country of Wiltshire is most famous for the great stone  monuments
of Stonehenge and Avebury,  and  the  huge  earth  pyramid  of  Silbury.  No
written records exist of the origins of these features and they have  always
been surrounded by mystery.
      Stonehenge is the best known  and  probably  the  most  remarkable  of
prehistoric remains in the UK. It has stood on  Salisbury  Plain  for  about
4000 years. There have been many different theories about its  original  use
and although modern methods of investigation have  extended  our  knowledge,
no one is certain why it was built.
      One theory is that it was a place from where stars and  planets  could
be observed. It was discovered that the positions  of  some  of  the  stones
related to the movements of the sun and moon, so that the  stones  could  be
used as a calendar to predict such things as eclipses. At one  time,  people
thought that Stonehenge was  a  Druid  temple.  The  Druids  were  a  Celtic
religious group who was suppressed in Great Britain  soon  after  the  Roman
Conquest. Some people believe that they  were  a  group  of  priests,  while
others regarded them as  medicine-men  who  practised  human  sacrifice  and
cannibalism.
      Because Stonehenge had existed 1000 years before the  arrival  of  the
Druids, this theory has been rejected, but it is possible  that  the  Druids
used it as a temple. The theory is kept alive today by members  of  a  group
called the Most Ancient Order of Druids who perform mystic rites  at  dawn
on the summer solstice. Every year, they meet at  Stonehenge  to  greet  the
first midsummer sunlight as  it  falls  on  the  stones  and  they  lay  out
symbolic elements of fire, water, bread, salt and a rose.
      Another interesting theory is that the great stone circle was used  to
store terrestrial energy, which  was  then  generated  across  the  country,
possibly through ley lines. Ley lines is the  name  given  to  invisible
lines, which link up ancient sites through out Britain.  They  were  thought
to be tracks by which prehistoric man travelled about the country,  but  now
many people believe that they are mysterious channels for a special kind  of
power.
                        4. The sea-ships and sailors.
      The coastline of the Southwest of  England  stretches  for  650  miles
(over 1000 km), and has many different  features:  cliffs,  sand,  sheltered
harbours, estuaries and marshes. It is  not  surprising  that  much  of  the
activity in this region has been inspired by the sea.
      Side by side on the south coast of Hampshire  are  the  two  ports  of
Portsmouth and Southampton. Portsmouth is the home of the  Royal  Navy,  and
its dockyard has a lot of interesting  buildings  and  monuments.  There  is
also the Royal Naval museum, where the main attraction is  Horatio  Nelsons
flagship, the Victory.
      Southampton, on the other hand, is a  civilian  port  for  continental
ferries, big liners, and oil and general cargo.
      Many great  sailors  had  associations  with  the  West  Country,  for
example, Sir Walter Raleigh, the Elizabethan explorer, and  Horatio  Nelson,
who lived in Bath in Somerset. The most famous sailor of recent  times,  was
Sir Francis Chichester, who returned to Plymouth  after  sailing  round  the
world alone in Gypsy Moth.
      In Bristol, to the north, one of the largest Victorian steamships, the
Great Britain, has been restored. It was the  first  iron  ocean  -  going
steamship in the world and was designed by a civil and  mechanical  engineer
with the unusual name of Isambard Kingdom Brunel (1806-1859).  He  not  only
designed three ships (including the first transatlantic steamer, the  Great
Western), but also several docks and a new type  of  railway  that  enabled
trains to travel at greater speeds. He also designed the first  ever  tunnel
underneath the Thames and the Clifton Suspension Bridge.
      Unfortunately, this coastline, in  particular  that  of  Cornwall,  is
famous - or infamous - in another way too. The foot of  Cornwall  has  the
worst of the winter gales, and in recorded  history  there  have  been  more
than fifteen shipwrecks for  every  mile  of  coastline.  There  is  even  a
shipwreck centre and museum near St.  Austell  where  there  is  an  amazing
collection of items that have been taken from wrecks over the years.
      There are a lot of stories about Cornish wreckers who, it  is  said,
tied lanterns to the tails of cows on  cliff-tops  or  put  them  on  lonely
beaches when the weather was bad, so  that  ships  would  sail  towards  the
lights and break up on the dangerous rocks  near  the  coast.  The  wreckers
would then be able to steal anything valuable that was washed up on  to  the
shore.



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